xt72ng4gn05h https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt72ng4gn05h/data/mets.xml Clay, Cassius Marcellus, 1810-1903. 1845  books b923264c579a2009 English J. M. Macomber & E. L. Pratt : Boston, Mass. Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Slavery --United States --Controversial literature --1845. Appeal of Cassius M. Clay to Kentucky and the world. text Appeal of Cassius M. Clay to Kentucky and the world. 1845 2009 true xt72ng4gn05h section xt72ng4gn05h 
  
S . N . DICKINSON & Co.

PHINTEM.

BOSTON.

  
A P P E A L OF C A S S I U S M . C L A Y .

T H E Y w h o on the eighteenth day of A u g u s t , 1845, r ose i n a rms, overpowered the c i v i l a uthorities, a n d established a n i rresponsible despotism upon the constitutional l i b e r ties of this C o m m o n w e a l t h , i n justification of their conduct, " appeal to K e n t u c k y a n d to the w o r l d . " So be it. L e t K e n t u c k y a n d the w o r l d j u d g e . W h e n t he public p eace i s d i s t u r b e d     w h e n the l a w s a re d e f i e d     w h e n the Constitution is o v e r t h r o w n ,     a n d w h e n , b y the a v o w a l of murderous purposes, n atural r ight a n d d ivine justice are i m p i o u s l y violated :   not the loss o f property   not the i n d i v i d u a l w r o n g and suffering   not e v e n the shedding of blood, are to be w e i g h e d a m o m e n t : but the great principles of liberty only a re to be b orne i n m i n d ; w h i l s t i n d i v i d u a l s , h o w e v e r h i g h or l o w , a re to be forgotten. I f it s hall t urn o ut that these p r i n ciples w e r e by me violated or endangered,   then w a s i t r ight t hat m y h ouse s hould have b e e n r udely entered b y p ersonal enemies, threatening me w i t h t he dread alternative o f death or dishonor,   then w a s it right that the s ick c hamber should not w a k e , i n the b osoms o f the stern v indicators o f the l a w , s ome f e e l i n g of p i t y i n g s y m p a t h y or magnanimous forbearance,   then w a s it right that m y w i f e and children should, for l o n g days and nights, suffer t he terrors of i m p e n d i n g r u i n ,     t h e n w a s it right that I s hould h ave m y property confiscated,   then w a s it right t hat I s hould be o u t l a w e d and e x i l e d , from the land of m y b irth, a nd the buried ashes of m y o w n loved blood a n d e ver-cherished friends. B u t if, on the other hand,

  
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t hey, a n d not I, have d one t his deed,   then let m e be restored to the confidence of m y countrymen   to the security o f the l a w s     t o the inviolate sanctity of the h ome o f m y n a t i v e l a n d ,     a n d let t h e m be consigned, not. to a f e l on's fate, w h i c h is their due b y the Constitution and l a w s o f K e n t u c k y ,     b u t l i v e out their days w i t h t he reflection t hat t he most they can h ope f or i n the future, is, that t heir d ishonored names w i l l b e s w a l l o w e d up i n the m a g nanimous forgetfulness of c o m i n g generations. I n t he spring of 1845 I, i n connection w i t h s ome o ther K e n t u c k i a n s , m ade proposals to p u b l i s h a paper devoted to free discussion and gradual emancipation in Kentucky. O n t he t hird d ay of J u n e of the same year, the T r u e A m e r i c a n w as issued from the p r e s s : h a v i n g about three h undred s ubscribers i n this State, and about seventeen h u n d r e d i n the other states. O n the t w e l f t h day of A u J g ust, 1845, the last number of this paper w a s sent to a bout seven hundred subscribers i n K e n t u c k y , and about t w e n t y - s e v e n hundred of the other states of the U n i o n . T h e s e facts are verified by the b ooks o f the office, w h i c h f riend o r foe is at liberty to e x a m i n e . T h a t m y readers i n K e n t u c k y should have r u n up, i n this short s pace o f a bout two months, from three to seven hundred, i n the f ace o f a l l the violence and proscription of the enemies o f emancipation, v o l u n t a r i l y , without any agencies, a n d w i t h o u t t he distribution of circulars or papers on m y     p art, i s a most extraordinary circumstance. A n d w h e n w e reflect that about t w e n t y persons read the paper of e ach subscriber, m a k i n g fourteen thousand readers i n K e n t u c k y , i t proves beyond a l l controversy that the p rinciples a n d tone of m y press w e r e t a k i n g a p o w e r f u l hold u pon the minds and affections of the people. T h e D e m o c r a t i c papers w e r e comparatively silent. T h e W h i g press w a s largely i n m y favor. T h e C h r i s t i a n I ntelligencer s oon r aised also the standard of e m a n c i p a tion. T h e p eople o f L o u i s v i l l e had t a k e n the initiatory s tep for starting a s imilar p aper there. A D e m o c r a t i c p rint o f the G r e e n river section, the most pro-slavery part o f the State, had copied an article from the T r u e A m e r ican, s h o w i n g the ruinous competition of slave labor w i t h t hat o f the whites, and seemed ready to w a g e a c o m m o n W ar. F o r the first time since the formation of the C o n -

  
5 s titntion o f the State, w a s a political party organized for t he overthrow of slavery i n a legal w a y ; and i n the most p opulous city i n the c o m m o n w e a l t h a candidate w a s a n nounced, ready to fight the battle upon the stump. A c onvention of the friends of emancipation w a s proposed t o be held on the fourth day of J u l y , 1846, and met the a pproval o f m a n y able and patriotic citizens. T h e p r i n cipal m overs i n this cause were slaveholders ; so also w ere a majority of the readers of the T r u e A m e r i c a n ; a nd t he great mass of laborers, w h o are not h a b i t u a l r eaders of newspapers, began to hear   to c o n s i d e r     a n d to learn their rights, and w e r e preparing to m a i n t a i n them ; so that a l l things m o v i n g steadily towards the same glorious e nd, p roclaimed, t hat K E N T U C K Y M U S T B E F R E E .

P r e v i o u s to the i s s u i n g of the n i n t h n umber of the T r u e A m e r i c a n , I w a s t a k e n sick w i t h t he T y p h o i d fever. A f e w friends edited the paper t ill t he e l e v e n t h number w a s i n press, i n w h i c h was a leading article w r i t t e n b y a s laveholder, and the f o l l o w i n g editorial w r i t t e n by m y self: " W e are called once more to onr hard and responsible task,' from a bed of long and painful illness. Tho inquiry has been frequently made, we are told, whether we were l iving 01 dead, w ith hopes for the worst in the bosoms of s ome: we are proud to say that the man does not l ive, w hom we would, if we could effect i t by the mere exertion of the w ill, cause one moment's p ain; far less compass i n desire his death. To freemen, the disgrace attending our misconduct is, in my opinion, the most urgent necessity. 'Is P hilip dead ?' N o, but in great danger.' H ow are you concerned in these rumors'? Suppose he should meet some fatal stroke : you would soon raise up another P hilip, i f your interests are thus regarded.' It is the weakness and disease in the State that has forced us into our present position: and i f we should perish, the same causes would raise up many more, and abler than we, to vindicate the same cause. W e had hoped to see on this continent the great axiom that m an is capable of self-government amply vindicated: we had no objections to the peaceable and honorable extension of empire over the whole continent, if equal freedom expanded w ith the bounds of the nation: gladly would we have seen untold m illions of freemen, enjoying liberty of c onscience and pursuit, of resting under their own vine and fig tree w ith none to make them afraid, standing upon a sacred and inviolate constitution at home, and just towards all nations;   such was the vision of the
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i mmortal W ashington, and such was ours. But we are told, the enunciation of the great and soul-stirring principles of Revolutionary patriots was a lie,   as a dog returns to his vomit we are to go back to the foul and cast-off rags of European tyranny to h ide our nakedness; slavery, the most unmitigated, the lowest, basest that the world has seen, is to be substituted forever for our better, more glorious, holier aspirations,   the constitution is torn and trampled under foot, j ustice and good f aith in a nation are d erided, brute force is substituted in the place of high moral t one: all the great principles of national liberty, which we i n herited from our B ritish ancestry, are yielded up,   and we are left without God or hope i n the world. When the great hearted of our land w eep, and the man of reflection maddens in the contemplation of our national apostacy, there are men pursuing gain and pleasure, who smile with contempt and indifference at their appeals. But remember   you who dwell in marble p alaces   that there are strong arms, and fiery hearts, and iron pikes i n the streets, and panes of glass only between them and the s ilver plate on the board, and the smooth skinned woman on the ottoman. When you have mocked at virtue, denied the agency of God in the affairs of men, and made rapjne your honied f aith: t remble! for the day of retribution is at hand   and the masses w i l l be avenged." A fter I h ad w r i t t e n this, a ride *to the o ffice c aused a r elapse. W h i l s t I l a y prostrate w i t h disease, it w a s told m e , a f e w minutes b efore 3 o 'clock, o f the fourteenth day o f August, that there w a s to be held, at that hour, a m eeti n g o f the citizens at the Court H o u s e , i n L e x i n g t o n , for t he purpose of suppressing the T r u e A m e r i c a n . I i m mediately r ose a nd dressed m y s e l f ; and i n opposition to t he remonstrances of m y f a m i l y , and at the risk Tjf m y l ife f rom the exertion, I determined to confront my e nemies f ace to f ace, a nd vindicate m y c ause a t a l l hazards. A t t he Court H o u s e I found about t hirty i n d i v i d u a l s , i n c l u d i n g a f e w w h o c ame i n after I l e f t ; their names w e r e t a k e n d o w n by a c ouple o f friends, and are n o w i n m y possession. A l l these m e n had g r o w n from p o l i t i c a l o pponents t o personal enemies, b ecause o f m y devotion t o the W h i g cause, e xcept t wo, " a W h i g " and " J u n i u s , " w h o were influenced no doubt by feelings of revenge, o n a ccount of the castigation w h i c h I had g i v e n them, i n the first number of the T r u e A m e r i c a n , for their m enace o f t he murderous infliction of L y n c h l a w . A f t e r a silence o f about h a l f an hour, E . Q. Sayre said, he w o u l d speak

  
7 o ut just t he s ame a s i f I w a s not p resent; h e w a s for s uppressing t he T r u e A m e r i c a n a s l ibellous, b y l egal m eans. H e n r y Johnson, a c otton planter, and t he b rother o f R . M . Johnson, said h e u nderstood this m e e t i n g w a s t o have b e e n e qually c omposed o f W h i g s a n d D e m o crats, a n d for one he w o u l d take n o a ction concerning t his A b o l i t i o n press, unless t he W h i g s c ame u p b oldly a nd s hared t he r esponsibility. T h o s . F . M a r s h a l l , t he a postate W h i g , a n d l ate hybrid candidate f or C ongress, s aid h e u nderstood this to be a jmblic m eeting, a n d w a s h ere b y a n invitation; h e h e l d t he T r u e A m e r i c a n i n his h a n d , a n d w o u l d read w h a t h e c onceived to be the c ause o f t he p ublic excitement. H e t hen read t he a rticle w r i t ten b y m e a n d t ook h is s eat. U p To this period n o W h i g h a d m ade h is a ppearance. D . M . C r a i g n o w m ade h is e ntrance; h e w a s a W h i g ; b ut t he s upposed author o f " a W h i g , " a s b efore s tated. H e w a s i n a m ost lachrymose mood,   avowing h i m s e l f m y personal friend,   but a t the s ame l i m e h is d etermination to use his m u s k e t against m y l i f e ,     h e said this w a s a private m eeting, a n d i n t his h e w a s c lamorously s econded b y the w h o l e mass. D u r i n g a l l t his time I l a y u pon a b ench, only a t i ntervals b e i n g able to sit up. I s aid I w a s far f rom i n t r u d i n g m y s e l f upon a n y set o f m e n ,     t h a t I h a d u nderstood this w a s a p ublic m e e t i n g     I t hrew m y s e l f upon their m a g n a n i m i t y     I a c k n o w l e d g e d I w a s i n the m idst o f e nemies, y e t t rusted I w o u l d b e a l l o w e d to e x p l a i n t he a rticle read b y M r . M a r s h a l l , w h i c h f rom h is f e w c omments I f ound w a s u tterly misconceived, a nd t ortured from i ts t rue meaning. I w a s p romptly r efused a h earing. F a i n t , a n d w i t h lips parched, I t urned to T . F . M a r s h a l l , a s the m ost chivalric o f m y e nemies     a m a n w h o m I h a d m e t b u t a f e w m onths b efore i n t his s ame Court House, i n the p resence o f a n i m p a r t i a l a udience o f m y c ountrymen, a n d d riven t o the w a l l s , u pon this same subject o f the l iberties o f m e n     a m a n f rom w h o m I h ad e xtorted a n' o pen a v o w a l , " t hat h e h a d ( putting h is h and to h i s h eart,) the most profound respect for the gentleman and his opinions and arguments, so new, and strong, as to demand his more deliberate consideration "    W h o coldly r e p l i e d : " T h a t h e h a d no m ore p o w e r h ere

  
6 t han I , b e i n g a single i n d i v i d u a l . " I t h e n protested a gainst his construction of m y w r i t i n g s , and retired. E x h a u s t e d b y this effort I returned o nce m ore to m y b ed. B u t feeling the necessity of m e e t i n g the v i n d i c t i v e m achinations of m y enemies, I dictated a h a n d b i l l to the p eople. (No. 1,) w h i c h w a s t a k e n d o w n b y m y w i f e , exp l a i n i n g t he offensive editorial, a n d a s k i n g a suspension o f public opinion and action, t i l l m y h e a l t h w o u l d a l l o w m e to be heard.* I h ad hardly got through w i t h t his w h e n m y chamber w a s entered by T . H . W a t e r s , m y personal enemy, w i t h t he f o l l o w i n g l e t t e r :
L E X I N G T O N , 14th Aug. CASSIUS M . C L A Y , E sq. 1845.

S I R :     We, the undersigned, have been appointed as a committee upon the part of a number of the respectable citizens of the C ity of Lexington to correspond w ith y ou, under the following resolution. Resolved, T hat a Committee of three be appointed to wait upon Cassius M . C lay, E ditor of the " True American," and request h im to discontinue the publication of the paper called the " True A merican," as its further continuance, in our judgment, is dangerous to the peace of our community, and to the safety of our homes and f amilies. In pursuance of the above, we hereby request you to discontinue your paper, and would seek to impress upon you the i m portance of your acquiescence. Your paper is agitating and exciting our community to an extent of which you can scarcely be aware. We do not approach you in the form of a threat. But we owe it to you to state, that in our judgment, your own safety, as well as the repose and peace of the community, are involved i n your answer. We await your reply, in the hope that your own good sense a nd regard for the reasonable wishes of a community i n w hich you have many connexions and friends, w ill i nduce you promptly to comply w ith our request. We are instructed to report your answer to a meeting, to-morrow evening, at three o 'clock, and will expept it by two o'clock, P . M . of to-morrow. Respectfully, & c.
B. W . DUDLEY, THO. H . WATERS, JOHN W . HUNT.

* In this handbill J briefly narrate the circumstances of the meeting, as here staled. D. M Craig being the onlv Whig present, I supposed it a party affair, and so stated it. B. W. Dudley and G. W. Bunt had not then come i n, who are Whigs, but are safd to have been present after I left there.

  
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I n o w saw that the u n i o n of w h i c h H . Johnson h a d s poken, had been consummated, and that a portion of the W h i g p arty, sure enough, w e r e about to give m e up as a s acrifice to the malice of f oes m ade b y v e n t u r i n g m y life i n t heir cause.* B e i n g determined to die i n the d efence o f m y birthright, the freedom of the press a n d the liberty o f speech, I appended this short appeal to a l l true m e n a nd f riends of l a w , a n d sent it to the press : [No. III.] Y ou see this attempt of these tyrants, worse than the thirty despots who lorded it over the once free Athens, now to enslave y ou. Men who regard law   men who regard all their liberties as not to be sacrificed to a single pecuniary interest, to say the least, of doubtful value   lovers of justice   enemies of blood    laborers of all classes   you for whom I have sacrificed so much, where w ill you be found when the battle between Liberty and Slavery is to be fought 1 I cannot, I w i l l not, I dare not question on which side you w ill be found. If you stand by me l ike m en, our country s hall yet be free ; but if you falter now, I perish w ith less regret when I remember that the people of my native State, of whom I have been so proud, and whom I have loved so m uch, are already slaves. L exington, August 15, 1 845. C . M . C T.AY. I i m m e d i a t e l y made preparations for the d efence o f m y o ffice, w a r n e d m y chosen friends to be ready   to w h i c h t hey manfully assented   wrote m y w i l l , a nd n e x t m o r n i n g s ent m y camp bed to the office, as I w a s unable to sit u p. I h a d thus made every preparation to m eet t hese m e n of c hivalry, w h o on M o n d a y ventured to h u r l d efiance a t a prostrate foe. T h e y had d e m a n d e d of me to give t hem a n answer, to discontinue m y paper, or that after t hree o 'clock o n that day m y " personal safety" w a s l o s t ! D i d t hey c ome u p to their threats ? N o t they. They f ound I w a s s till a ble to drag my f eeble b ody to the place o f attack and r ally a round me m a n y brave hearts.
* T h e part w h i c h the Johnsons took in W i c k l i f f e ' s and B r o w n ' s attempt t o assassinate m e , a f e w y ears a go, is generally believed to have a r i s e n s olely from political motives o f g e t t i n g r i d o f a formidable opponent. The s y s t e m they imported from Scott county, w a s to b u l l y opponents in the c a n vass o r at the polls, and this g a m e t hey w e r e b e g i n n i n g to play quite successfully w i t h the friends o f G a r r e t t D a v i s , t ill t he atl'air at R u s s e l l ' s C a v e t aught t h e m that impunity w o u l d not await t h e m . KENTUCKIANS :   

  
10 " With f ive hundred o r m ore " u n a n i m o u s " m e n i n the C ourt H ouse, o n F r i d a y , a t t hree o 'clock, t hey basely c owered, g ave u p a l l h ope o f a s uccessful attack, p ut off t he contest f or t hree days, w e l l k n o w i n g that b efore t hen, f rom t he r eport o f m y p hysicians, I w o u l d b e d ead o r u n able to h ead m y f riends. T h e y abandon t he secret c onclave a n d a ppeal to t he public. O n S aturday, t he i n f l a m matory piece, " A K e n t u c k i a n , " made i ts a ppearance, a n d o n t he s ame d ay, t hey issued a l o n g a n d l y i n g h a n d b i l l s igned b y the c ommittee, t o the " P eople o f L e x i n g t o n a nd c ounty o f F a y e t t e . " Y e t t hey send this w i t h r unners a nd p rivate letters to the adjoining counties, c a l l i n g , i n the p rinted b ills, u pon a l l t he e nemies o f l iberty, to r ally to the " s uppression o f t he T r u e A m e r i c a n , " b u t w r i t i n g o n the b acks o f the s ame, " t o H e l l w i t h C l a y . " S e e i n g that m y h andbills w e r e r e l i e v i n g t he p ublic m i n d i n t his county a nd c ity, a n d g i v i n g w a y to t heir fears o f b e i n g entirely t hwarted i n t heir murderous purposes, they issue another h andbill, c a l l i n g f or h elp from t he " a djoining counties," f rom t he w hole district w h e r e M a r s h a l l h a d b u t j u s t f inished a m ost bitter canvass, a n d w h e r e i t w a s too w e l l s upposed that there w o u l d b e m a n y d esperadoes r eady f or a n y d eed. I n t heir pamphlet they s ay t his last h a n d b i l l w a s a uthorized b y the m e e t i n g o f F r i d a y , w h i c h i s f alse. T h e r esolution a s r eported b y t hem, confines their c all to " the p eople o f F a y e t t e a n d c ity o f L e x i n g t o n ! " F i n d i n g t hat t he " secret conclave of cowardly assassins" h a d b a c k e d o ut f rom their purpose o f m a k i n g m y " p ersonal s afety" " i n v o l v e d i n m y a nswer," a n d h a d a ppealed to a p ublic " c onstitutional" meeting, I t old m y f riends t o disarm t he o ffice, a n d l eave i t to the u n t r a m m e l e d d e cision o f the c itizens. I t hen wrote m y p l a n o f E m a n c i p a t i o n , a ddressed to the p eople, ( N o . 4 , ) f rom w h i c h I m a k e t he f o l l o w i n g extracts : [ No. I V.] A lthough I regard slavery as opposed to n atural right, J con-

fore have not, and w ill not give m y sanction to any mode of freeing the slaves, which does not conform strictly to the L aws a nd Constitution of my State. A nd as I am satisfied that there is no power, under the present Constitution, b y w hich slavery c an be

sider law and its inviolable observance, in all cases -whatever, as the only safeguard of my own liberty and the liberty of others. I t here-

  
11 reached, 1 go for a Convention. In a Convention, which is politically omnipotent, I would say that every female slave, born after a certain day and year, should be free at the age of twentyone. T his, i n the course of time, would gradually, and at last, m ake our State truly free. I would further say, that, after the expiration of thirty years, more or less, the State would provide a fund, either from her own resources, from her portion in the Public L and, for the purchase of the existing generation of slaves, in order that the white laboring portion of our community might be as soon as possible freed from the ruinous competition of slave labor. The fund should be applied after this manner ; commissioners should be appointed in each county, who s hall on oath value all slaves that s hall be voluntarily presented to them for that purpose. To the owners of these slaves s hall be issued, by the proper authorities, 6crip b earing interest at the rate of six per cent, to the amount of the value of their slaves, and to the redemption of said scrip, this fund s hall be applied, principal and interest. By this plan the present habits of our people w ould not be suddenly broken in upon, whilst, at the same time, we believe that it would bring slavery to almost utter extinction in our State w ithin the next t hirty years. W ith regard to the free b lacks, I would not go for forcible expulsion, but I would encourage b y all the pecuniary resources that the State had to spare, a voluntary emigration to such countries and climates as nature seems p articularly to have designed for them. W ith regard to the political equality of the blacks W ith the w hites, I should oppose i n Convention their admission to the right of suffrage. As minors, women, foreigners, denizens and divers other classes of individuals are, in all well regulated governments, forbidden the elective franchise, so I see no good r eason why the blacks, u ntil they become able to exercise the right to vote w ith proper discretion, jshould be admitted to the right of suffrage. " Sufficient for the day is the e vil thereof." T he time m ight come w ith s ucceeding generations when there would be no objection on the part of the whites, and n o n e on t he account of disqualification of the blacks, to their being admitted to the same political platform ; but let after generations act for themselves. The idea of amalgamation and social equality resulting from emancipation, is proven by experience to be untrue and absurd. It may be said by some, what right would a Convention have to liberate the unborn 1 T hey who ask equity, the lawyers say, themselves must do equity, and whilst the slaveholders have rights, they must remember the blacks also have rights; and s urely i n the compromise which we have proposed b etween the slave and the slaveholder, the slaveholder has the 1 ion's share. On S u n d a y I replied to the committee's h a n d b i l l of

  
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S aturday, ( in N o . 5,) s h o w i n g their falsehoods, a n d den o u n c i n g t h e m , and appealing to the justice of the public a t w hose b ar I intended to appear i f possible. L a t e o n S u n d a y night, finding m y s e l f s till m ore than ever prostrated, a n d despairing of b e i n g able to be present at the m e e t i n g on M o n d a y , I dictated this last h andbill, r ead the p roof-sheets an hour after midnight, and had it circulated M o n d a y morning, fearing that i f it w a s put off" to be read i n m anuscript it w o u l d be suppressed or unheard. ( No. V I . )
L E X I N G T O N , A ugust 18th, 1845. The Chairman of the Public Meeting assembled to-day will please lay before it the following communication :

    B e i n g unable from the state of my h ealth, to be present at your m eeting, and even unable to hold a pen, having been sick t hirtyfive days w ith the Typhoid fever, I dictate to an amanuensis, a few lines for your consideration. Having been the u nwilling cause, in part, of the present excitement in my county, and feeling, as I do, respect for the safety and happiness of others as w ell as my own, I voluntarily come forward and do all I conscientiously can do for your quiet and satisfaction. I treated the c ommunication from the private caucus w ith b urning contempt, a rising not only from their assuming over me a power which w ould make me a slave, but from a sense of the deep personal i ndignity w ith w hich their unheard-of assumptions were attempted to be carried into execution. But to you     a far differently organized body and a constitutional assemblage of c i t i z e n s     I f eel that it is just and proper that I should answer at your bar ; a nd as I am not in a state of health to carry on an argument or v indicate properly my own rights, I s hall, v oluntarily, before a ny action is taken on your part, make 6 u c h e xplanation as I d eem j ust and proper. D uring m y sickness, my paper has been conducted by some friends. T he leading article in the last number, which I am told is the great cause of the public disquietude, I have never read, because at the time it was put to press, I could not have undergone the fatigue of reading such a paper through. Although it was read over to me at the time, yet I am f ully persuaded now, that had I have been in health it would not have been admitted into m y columns. But I felt the less hesitancy in admitting it, because it has been my avowed policy heretofore to admit free d iscussion upon the subject of slavery, by slaveholders themselves, and the author of this article is largely interested in that

F E L I . O W - C I T I Z E N S or L E X I N G T O N , A N D C O U N T Y OP F A Y E T T E .

  
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15.     TTE. your irtyis, a l ing f eel:s as c onI the mpt, h ich o nal mpt>ntly    I bar ; nt or a ny eem ome t old e ad, derj h it l ow, lted g i t, free e mthat

k ind of property. You have seen before this time that the course   ^ P    ' ' y w hich I commenced, myself, to the State, is widely "* different, in many essential points, to this author's views. The article written by myself, and published in the same paper, was ^ written a few days after the leader was in type, and which has ] been the cause of so much dissatisfaction, the justice of which, to some extent, I am w illing to acknowledge. I assure you upon the honor of a man, it was never intended to mean, or to bear the construction which my enemies have given it. I was p ursuing the reflections of my own mind, without t hinking of the misconstruction that could be put upon my language. H ad I been in the vigor of h ealth, I s hould have avoided the objectionable expressions, for by sharply guarding against the cavils of my opponents, I would best guard at the same time against any thing which could be considered of an incendiary    character. I cannot say that the paper, from the beginning, has been conducted in the manner I could have wished. The cause of this it is not now necessary for me to mention. Satisfied, however, from past experience, that the free discussion of the subject of slavery, is liable to many objections which I did not anticipate, and which followed in an excess of l iberality, a rising no doubt from the fact that I had been denied the columns of the w other presses of the country myself, I propose i n future very ma- ^ t eriallv to restrict the latitude of discussion. I s hall a dmit into my paper no article upon this subject, for which I am not w illing to be held responsible. T his, you perceive, w ill very much narrow the ground ; for my plan of emancipation which I put forth a few days ago, is of the most gradual character. M y other v iews put forth there also, are such as I learn are not at all offensive to the great mass of our people. By this course, I expect to achieve two objects, to enable me to carry on the advocacy of those principles and measures which I deem of v ital importance to our state, without molestation and without subjecting the people to the apprehensions and excitement which are now unhappily -upon us. You may properly ask, perhaps, why was not this thing done before 1 I r eply that I did not foresee any such con" sequences as have resulted from a different course. The denunciations of the public press on both sides, I conceived, and am s till of the same opinion, arose from the desire to make both parties political capital. And you w ill 6 ee also, when the excitement is worn off, that there-have been many selfish purposes sought to be accomplished, at the expense of your peace and mine, by men who are professing to be actuated by nothing but patriotic motives. Having said thus much upon the conduct of my paper, I must say also, that my constitutional rights I w ill never abandon. I feel as deeply interested iu this community, as any other man in i n it. No man is, or has a connection, more deeply interested in
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14 the prosperity of this State, than myself. You ought not, you cannot, if you are just to me as you are to yourselves, ask me to do that which you would not "do. I know not in reality, what may be the state of public feeling. I am told it is very much inflamed ; I, therefore, directed my publisher, after the publication of to-morrow's paper, to exclude all matter upon the subject of S lavery, u ntil, i f my health is restored, I s hall be able myself to take the helm. M y office and dwelling are undefended, except b y the laws of m y country     to the sacred inviolability of which I confide myself and property ; and of these laws you are the sole guardians. Y ou have the power to do as you please. Y o u w ill so act, however, I trust, that this day s hall not be one accursed to our County and State. Y our obedient servant, C. M . C L A Y . H e r e , t hen, w a s as conciliatory a n offer as any honorable m a n could ask. I wrote just as I w o u l d have spoken, h a d I b een present i n a m i x e d audience, w h e r e a few w ere attempting to hurry o n the m a n y to thoughtless d eeds o f irrevocable infamy. H a d I been personally severe, i n the T r u e A m e r i c a n , on s ome c i t i z e n h i g h i n the c onfidence of the State, I but spoke the r e a l sentiments o f m y heart w h e n I regretted it. H a d I, w h e n w o r n down w i t h d isease, w i t h n o friend of s imilar v i e w s to stand by m y bedside and give me counsel upon w h i c h I could i m p l i c i t l y r ely, g i v e n utterance, incautiously, to language w h i c h m ight b y any possibility be the cause of disaffection a mong the slaves, I wa3 w i l l i n g to be more guarded i n t he future. H a d I dangerously g i v e n , w h e n incapable o f j u d g i n g , too m u c h liberty to correspondents, who arc n ot a l w a y s the b est q ualified to k n o w the e ffects o f their r eflections upon a c o m m u n i t y surrounded b y a large slave p opulation, I w a s w i l l i n g / o r the future to sit i n more restrictive j u d g m