THE MONROE DOCTRINE



States of America, which made it impossible for these coun-
tries to ignore their flags. In America Henry Clay, on the
floor of Congress, had already urged the recognition of South
American independence. In his annual message to Congress
in 1822 President Monroe took up the question. On behalf
of the United States, he declared that the American conti-
nents were henceforth not to be considered a subject for fur-
ther colonization by any European Power. "In the war
between Spain and her colonies," said President Monroe,
"the United States will continue to observe the strictest neu-
trality. . . . With the existing colonies or dependencies
of any European Power we have not interfered and shall not
interfere. But with the governments -who have declared
their independence and maintained it, and whose indepen-
dence we have, on great considerations and on just principles,
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the
purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other
manner their destiny, by any European Power, in any other
light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition
toward the United States."
   It was the famous Monroe Doctrine, a doctrine that in its
substance, if not in words, had already served as the guiding
star of Thomas Jefferson's and Madison's foreign policy. It
is related that President Monroe, applying to Thomas Jeffer-
son for his opinion on the matter, was surprised at the positive
nature of the reply which he received. "Our first and fun-
damental maxim," said Jefferson, "should be never to entangle
ourselves in the broils of Europe; our second, never to suffer
Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs." At the
same time that America thus flung down her gauntlet to
Europe, Canning, on behalf of the British Ministry, pro-
posed to inform the allied Cabinets of England's intention to
accredit envoys to the South American republics. Assured
of the support of the United States, and of Great Britain as
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1822