xt70rx937t9n_385 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4.dao.xml unknown 13.63 Cubic Feet 34 boxes, 2 folders, 3 items In safe - drawer 3 archival material 46m4 English University of Kentucky The physical rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center.  Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Laura Clay papers Temperance. Women -- Political activity -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- United States -- History. Women -- Suffrage -- Kentucky. Women -- Suffrage -- United States. National American Woman Suffrage Association newsletters text National American Woman Suffrage Association newsletters 2020 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4/Box_15/Folder_18/Multipage17245.pdf 1911-1919 1919 1911-1919 section false xt70rx937t9n_385 xt70rx937t9n F -.

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i1, therefore, 7:: [5;1; fCQIS, fitting th: fire to
of which time the Rooutliei ?¢3-¢ fies in cheIEC 91 3N9
and exeeutivo branches of -fiorsl Government, thit
sp an of hostility to tho ' .“ and nor institutions,
letisistion to bring into onerstioo the fiourteonth and
Agendaouts, most certainly 'hat Party will savor seek to
toetionelism at this late P;J i, the enironohisement of mi

long with th- white women ,r t}o country.

The people of the Southern States are American citizens;
thov have monifestefl to a markefi degreo'thoir patriotism and loyelt
to the country and to the Ameri-fn ifiwg, both in the Spanish*AmotiC
Tkgr and in the ?sr just endeo; 1_;* 3,: no longer regarded as QEJBUUZ
to be persecuted and oppressed g _sdical one ambitious Repuolioan
leaders. -

‘Wo.hevs had much more to dread in tho past than we will hovs
to fear in the futuroo

Presiasnt Wilson, the lesser of the Democratic Esrfiv. 33?
recommenied the submission of the suffrage amendment; the fictions;
Democratic Executive Committee has urged its submission and refit as«
$10“: and When we; Southern DGQOCrfififiu recall the'fsct that too
womsh of the West, in the States where women vote, rallies to th6
staniard of the Democratic Party an‘ east the necessary votes to .
perpetuate our Party in power in Weshisgton, Which Party has made a
record of achievement in §oscs one is Fwy, whioh is the pride sod
glory of every patriotic imericsn heart‘ss'loysl Democrats, to must
realize that we owe the women of the country a political fiebt Of
gretituée, which we should be eager to flag.

Should the Bemoorstio South vote against the equal suffrage
amendmont, the women in the suffrage StitfiS, there party liWES gre
lax, Will immoaistsly rotilists by voting 388153‘6 the Democratic -
Party in the next prosiiential and congressional election. Without
the votes of the women is the states fibers there is equal suffrage
the Esmoeratic Party in the next presidential election is éoomed to
overthsliing defeat. ~. ‘

3 the cls'n the power to road the future with any aegree
of scourge? ;~» stono~b1ind unless they can see equal suffrage so
accomplished fact. Bo amendment to the Federal Constitution has
etc: beea suomittod which was not subsequently ratified.

When the women in the other states are given the privilege
0f V°5in5. Shall so, the man of Alabama, say that our women shall
be Rosita that right? Shall we say that they are not just so compe~
tent to vote as the women of the other states? "

t may be truly stated that woman is a creature of noble
instincts one high ideals; that she acts from pure impulses; that
she is qualified by reason of her training an& environment to solve
many problems better than men.

Where is the vaunted gallantry of the far-famed southexn
gentleman, his boasted chivalry, his renowned love of woman; that
he should deny to the women of Alabama the privilege of voting?

Woman has exercised every poser-and force she possesses for
tfie advencemont of society. In the states where there.is equal
suffrage no home has been blasted by reison of woman suffrage.

Since the beginning, woman has been either man's beast of burden or
also his toy and plaything; but a new era is at hand. Woman is
coming into her own. Shall Alsbsmfi retire her progress?

Back of every splendia achievement that every truly great

Jvcr attained has been the life, the character, the inSpira~

some noble woman. She possesses power by the magic oi he;
and smile to transform a pauper'S'hovel into 3 prince‘s paleoe‘
at once necessary to the comfort, the happiness of men, and

Woman has won the right to vote; let us no longc withhold
irom her.

 

  

 

 

 

 

 FEDERAL AMENDMENTfi'HfNél-‘UMBER

4'.

m
HEADQUARTERS
N EWS L ETT ER

NATIONAL“ AM ERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION
171 MADISON AVE. _ , NEW YORK CITY

 

 

VOLUME. 11 .‘ M ._ NUMBER. x11”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

DECEMBER« 30 4 1916

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IN SUFFRAGE. ~

(JAN . I‘m)

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CONGRESS

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 Page 2

 

HEADQUARTERS NEWS LETTER

A printed attempt to maintain intimate contact
between the National American Woman Sufirage
Association and its thousands of members throughout
the country.

Published once a month by the National American
Woman Suffrage Association, at 171 Madison Ave.,
New York, N. Y. Subscription price per year, 25c.

Entered as second class matter, Oct. 6, 1915, at Post Office. New York,
N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879.

_0_
National American Woman Suffrage Association
Corresponding Secretary

MRS. FRANK J. SHULER

Treasurer
MRS. HENRY WADE ROGERS

lst Auditor
MISS HELOISE MEYER

2nd Auditor
MRS. PATTIE RUFFNER JACOBS

Honorary President
DR. ANNA HOWARD SHAW

President
MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT

1st Vice-President
MRS. WALTER MCNAB MILLER

2nd Vice-President
MRS. STANLEY MCCORMICK

3rd Vice—President
MISS ESTHER G. OGDEN

Recording Secretary

Congressional Committee
Headquarters:

MRS. THOMAS JEFFERSON SMITH Munsey Building, Washington. D. C.

 

 

WHY THE FEDERAL AMENDMENT?

 

 

 

Woman suffrage is coming—no intelligent person
in the United States will deny that fact.

When it will come and how it will come are still
open questions. Woman suffrage by Federal aid is
supported by five main reasons. These reasons may
be evaded or avoided, but they cannot be answered:

(1) Suffrage for men and suffrage for women in
other lands, with few and minor exceptions, has been
granted by parliamentary act and not by referenda.
By such enactment the women of Australia were
granted the full suffrage in Federal elections by the
Federal Parliament and each state or province, in-
cluding Tasmania, granted full suffrage in all other
elections by act of the provincial parliament. By
such enactment New Zealand, Norway, Denmark,
Iceland, the Isle of Man and Finland gave the equal
suffrage in all elections to women. By such process
the parliament of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and
Alberta gave full suffrage to their women. British
Columbia referred the question to the voters, but the
parliament had already extended all suffrage rights
except one, and both political parties lent their aid
in the referendum, which gave a majority in every
precinct. By parliamentary act all other Canadian
provinces, the provinces of South Africa, Sweden
and Great Britain have extended far more voting
privileges than any woman citizen of the United
States east of the Missouri River (except those of
Illinois) has received. The suffragists of France
reported just as the war broke out that the French
Parliament was pledged to extend full municipal

suffrage to women. Men and women of high repute
say the full suffrage is certain to be extended by the
British Parliament to the women of England, Scot-
land, Ireland and Wales soon after the war, and
already these women have all suffrage rights except
the vote for parliamentary members. It is cruelly
unfair to subject American women to a longer, harder,
more difiicult method than those of other lands. Prac—
tically the same method is provided by our Federal
Constitution. To deny its benefits to the women
of this country is to put upon them a penalty for
being Americans.

(2) Men of this country have been enfranchised
by various extensions of the voting privilege, but
in no single instance were they compelled to appeal
to an electorate containing groups of unnaturalized
foreigners, Indians, negroes and large numbers of
illiterates, ne’er-do-wells, drunks and even white
slavers. The Jews, denied the vote in all colonies,
and the Catholics, denied the vote in most colonies,
received their franchise through the revolutionary
constitutions, which removed all religious qualifica-
tions for the vote in a self-respecting manner to all.
The property qualifications for the vote, which were
established in every colony and continued in the
early state constitutions, were usually removed by
a referendum, but the question went to an electorate
limited to property holders only. The largest num-
ber of voters to which such an amendment was
referred was that of New York. Had every man
qualified to vote done so, the electorate would not
have exceeded 200,000 and probably not more than
150,000. The next, extensions of the vote to men
were made by Congress, which gave the vote to
certain tribes of Indians and by amendment to the
Federal Constitution, which gave the vote to the
Negro. At least three-fourths of the present voters
secured their vote through naturalization of them-
selves or their forefathers. Congress determines
conditions of citizenship and state constitutions fix
qualifications of voters. In no instance has the
foreign immigrant been forced to plead with a vast
electorate for his vote. T o deny American women
as easy a process of securing their vote as has been
granted to men is a discrimination so flagrant and
intolerable that no fair-minded man should be a
party to it.

(3) The constitutions of many states have pro-
vided for amendment by such diflicult processes that
they either have never been amended or have not
been amended when the subject is in the least con-
troversial. ' A present case illustrates. Newspapers
in Kentucky which have opposed woman suffrage
and still do have started a campaign to submit
woman suffrage and prohibition amendments in
order to defeat them and remove them from politics
for five years, as the same questions cannot be again
submitted for that length of time. Until new con-
stitutions are adopted, there are states where women
can never be enfranchised, no matter what the senti-
ment. Woman suffrage has been caught in the
coils of constitutional technicalities. Not to be will-
ing to release it and give it a fair chance before the
country is un-American.

 

 HEADQUARTERS NEWS LETTER

Page 3

 

(4) The election laws of all states make inade-
quate provision for safeguarding the vote on con-
stitutional amendments. When both dominant
parties desire to stand sponsor for such a vote an
amendment is safeguarded; but when both have the
friends of the amendment to look after its interest,
as they usually do, a woman suffrage amendment is
unfairly handicapped at the outset. Women in
most states are not legally qualified to be watchers
nor to serve as election officials. Nor do they pos-
sess the voter’s influence to secure the appointment
of officials who will take a watchful supervision over
an honest vote and an honest count. To be sure,
such officials are supposed to defend honesty and
accuracy in elections, but that they do not do so
was pitifully evidenced in.I0wa and West Virginia
and it has been in many another suffrage campaign.
Since election laws do. not protect suffrage referenda,
suffragists demand the right prescribed by our
national constitution to appeal their case from male
voters to the higher court of Congress and the
legislatures.

(5) Woman suffrage is regarded by every other
country as a National question. With eleven states
in our own country, with half the territory of the
civilized world already won, with the statement of
the Press still unchallenged that women voters de-
cided a presidential election, any policy which shunts
responsibility and fails to recognize the importance
of this question is pusillanimous and cowardly. One
has said: “Statesmen lead and the people follow;
politicians follow but never lead.” Such statesmen
are never afraid to tell what they think and where
they stand. They do not hesitate to espouse or
oppose public questions. Such politicians will
naturally prefer to hide behind the arras of a secret
ballot in a referendum which relieves them of
responsibility, but the women of the land who are
self-respecting enough to want a vote ask a “square
deal” by National action.

—CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT

* >i< *

WILL THE DEMOCRATS REMEMBER?
By Ross YOUNG

The present crucial situation of suffrage as a
federal question has no counterpart in the history of
the cause in America save in the intense days im-
mediately following the Civil War. Young as the
suffrage agitation was in those days the ’60’s were
as vivid with potentiality for nation—wide suffrage
as are these days that see the going out of the 64th
Congress and the coming in of the 65th, with the
suffrage amendment one of the paramount issues
under consideration by both Senate and House.
During and just after the war the thought and the
heart of the nation were vibrating to a new concept
of democracy. Men were exalted and receptive.
In the expansion of the hour, room was almost made
for the enfranchisement of women. Women had
admittedly played a great part in furthering universal
emancipation. Pulpit, platform and press rang

with tributes to the services they had rendered.
Sumner had drawn on them unremittingly as his
aides in his fight in Congress for universal emancipa-
tion. Abolitionists, Unionists and Republicans had
made whole-hearted demands upon them. They
had been found so very helpful indeed that great
things had been promised them, in return for all
they had done and must continue to do for the anti-
slavery cause.

Then the awakening. It was “the N egro’s hour”
they said, and the women were deserted on every
hand. Wendell Phillips, Gerrit Smith, Greeley,
Garrison, Tilton, Higginson, Bryant, one and all
allowed the enfranchisement of the black men to
outweigh the enfranchisement of women. Charles
Sumner found the women’s claim “most inoppor-
tune.” Abolitionists refused even to sign their
petitions. Republicans presented those petitions
to Congress so emasculated as to destroy their sig-
nificance. Deserted all along the line, the women
yet made their first demand for congressional action
on suffrage in the autumn of 1865. It was at once
a protest and a petition. A protest against the
inclusion of the word “male” in the amendment
and a petition to have women included in the provi-
sions of that amendment. From that time forward
the history of the effort to pass the amendment is
stormy with the effort to secure for all women the
recognition that was projected for the Negro men.
Again and again, led by Miss Anthony, women rallied
to the task of importuning Congress to include
women in the proposed extension of the electorate.
Again and again the men whose dependence they had
been in the anti—slavery crisis failed them utterly.
Came at last the fateful ratification of the amend-
ment with a wording that forever closed that door
in the faces of the women who stood without and
waited.

There followed days, years, decades during which
the principle of self-government was stultified and
woman’s dream of political liberty was made the
plaything and the football of one nonchalant
Congress after another. Led up to party platforms
with fulsome promises, over and over suffrage
workers found that the only plank on which they
could stand had been left out. Confronted by a
great opportunity to free America of the last vestige
of political shackles, the degree of skill to which
compromise and evasion were brought is best at-
tested by the following, adopted at a National
Republican Convention:

"The Republican party is mindful of its
obligations to the loyal women of America for
their devotion to the cause of freedom; their
admission to wider fields of usefulness is received
with satisfaction; and the honest demands of
any class of citizens for equal rights should be
treated with respectful consideration.”

It was in the ’70’s that there evolved the
amendment that would take from the States the
right to deny the franchise to any citizen of the
United States on account of sex, and that same
amendment stands to-day in House and Senate
awaiting action. Since the year 1882 it has been

 

 

 Page 4

 

reported from the Senate committee every year
with a favorable majority except in 1890 and 1896.
Twice it has gone to vote in the Senate. The first
time was on January 25, 1887, resulting in 16 yeas
and 34 nays, with 26 absent, four of whom were
committed to suffrage, giving a total suffrage
strength of 20. The second time was on March 19,
1914, when there were 35 yeas and 34 nays. In the
House it has been reported from committee seven
times, twice by a favorable majority, three times by
an adverse majority, and twice without recommenda-
tion. The House, in the position of hereditary enemy
of nation-wide suffrage, has never let the measure
come to vote until, in 1915, the pressure became too
strong to be resisted and the poll netted 174 yeas and
204 nays.

The great body of organized sufiragists in America
are neither Republicans nor Democrats. They are
ashamed to be either while both parties deny them
the franchise. But once more the country is ringing
with the echoes of women 5 part in a great national
crisis, the crisis that was determined in favor of
Wilsonian democracy on November 7. Democrats
profess their gratitude for what women did. Re-
publicans express anticipation of what women may
do. Because of her women, the West is conceded a
new determinism in national politics. The South
revels anomalously in a victory attributed to an
institution to which she has long turned a cold
shoulder, woman suffrage. The East discovers that
it is an outrage to enfranchise women in the West
and disbar them elsewhere. And North, South,
East and West it is pointed out that only a federal
election law can equalize the present insupportable
political situation.

Once more a great opportunity confronts a great
political party, the opportunity of being the instru-
ment to insure political recognition to the last dweller
within America’s gates. Once more the women stand
and wait. Back of them stretches the record of
tribute and acknowledgment, of praise and of
promise.

In 1867 the Republicans forgot.

In 1917 will the Democrats remember?

* * II!

 

_ THE SUFFRAGE BILL IN CONGRESS

 

 

 

To-day the Federal suffrage amendment has
reached positions of crucial moment in both houses
of Congress. After months of the maddening delay
incident to being “smothered in committee,” the
House Committee has reported the bill without
recommendation. This clears the way for it to a
place on the House’s calendar of business when it
can go to vote on the floor of the House. In the
Senate the bill has been favorably reported from the
suffrage committee.

“Going to vote” is a step toward victory, but it
is by no means victory itself and the work of insur-
ing that the vote in both houses shall be favorable
15 the work that is just now engaging the chief

energies of the National American Woman Suffrage
Association.

The National’s committee on congressional work,
as at present constituted, is made up of the executive
congressional committee, including the so-called
lobby, the chairman of the State Congressional Com-
mittees, and additional members from the states
known as congressional aides. The congressional
work has grown to such dimensions that it has
recently been found necessary to divide it into four
sections with four division chiefs. Mrs. Walter
McNab Miller, of Missouri, ranking officer of the
National and chairman of the committee formed for
this year’s congressional work, will be at the head
of the section that will have in charge all social-
political activities. This includes, in particular, the
engaging of the interest of the friends of suffrage
from the different states who make Washington their
winter home. Mrs. Maud Wood Park, of Massa-
chusetts, has been appointed Vice-chairman of the
main committee and chairman of the Section on
Legislation. This is the section that is otherwise
known as the “Front Door Lobby,” in recognition
of the fact that it uses no side-door methods and
works in the wide open. Miss Heloise Meyer, of
Massachusetts, will be at the head of the Social
Section, with Mrs. J. Borden Harriman as vice—
chairman. Besides these there will be a Publicity
Section under the direction of Mr. George Mosshart,
co-operating with Washington’s local publicity com-
mittee, of which Mrs. Gertrude Mosshart is chair-
man. Miss Ruth White is secretary of the main
committee, which includes also Miss Mary Garrett
Hay, of New York; Mrs. Frank M. Roessing, of
Pennsylvania; Mrs. Guilford Dudley, of Tennessee;
Mrs. Charles W. McClure, of Michigan; Mrs. T. T.
Cotnam, of Arkansas; Mrs. B. B. Valentine, of Vir-
ginia; and Miss Martha Norris, 'of Ohio.

Supporting these women are a number of others
of national prominence who work in the capacity of
“congressional aides.” One of these is Mrs. William
Jennings Bryan, another is Mrs. Newton D. Baker,
wife of the Secretary of War; still another is Mrs.
David F. Houston, wife of the Secretary of Agri-
culture. All points of the compass are represented
in the full list of “aides”: Alabama, by Mrs. Pattie
Ruffner Jacobs; Tennessee, by Mrs. Guilford Dud—
ley; Kentucky, by Mrs. Joseph Alderson, Mrs. Harry
R. Whiteside and Mrs. John G. South; California,
by Mrs. James Ellis Tucker; Connecticut, by Mrs.
A. E. Scranton-Taylor; Illinois, by Mrs. George Bass,
Mrs. Raymond Robins, Mrs. Wm. Severin, Miss
Harriet Vittum and Mrs. Harrison Munro Brown;
Massachusetts, by Mrs. Glendower Evans, Pres.
Mary E. Woolley, of Holyoke, Mrs. Walter Prichard
Eaton, Mrs. Robert Gould Shaw, Mrs. Gertrude
Halliday Leonard, Mrs. Oakes Ames, Mrs. Mabel
Churchill, Mrs. Katherine H. Millard and Mrs.
Samuel Powers; Michigan, by Mrs. Charles W.
McClure, Rev. Caroline Bartlett Crane, Mrs. James
B. Balch, Mrs. E. L. Calkins and Mrs. Carey W.
Dunton. The New York contingent includes Mrs.
Ernest Thompson Seton, Mrs. Henry White Can-
non, Miss Mary Wood and Mrs. George L. Hubbell.
Mrs. Winston Churchill represents New Hampshire.
Besides Mrs. Bryan, Nebraska is represented by
Mrs. Charles H. Dietrich; Ohio’s representative is

 

 HEADQUARTERS NEWS LETTER

Page 5

 

Mrs. Samuel B. Sneath; Texas is represented by
Mrs. M. Eleanor Brackenridge and Wyoming by
Dr. Grace Hebard; Vermont has Mrs. Oliver C.
Ashton and Mrs. Henry W. Clement as its repre-
sentatives ; Indiana is represented by Mrs. T. Arthur
Stuart.

From every part Of the Union, in fact, women will
be working in relays in Washington until the Federal
amendment is passed. During December there were
representative women from a dozen different states
on hand interviewing senators and congressmen.
Mrs. Frank M. Roessing and Miss Hannah Patter-
son came from Pennsylvania, Mrs. Guilford Dudley
from Tennessee and Mrs. Thomas Jefferson Smith
from Kentucky. Mrs. A. E. Scranton—Taylor came
from Connecticut. Mrs. Leonora Hanna COX was
there from Indiana. Massachusetts was answered
for by Mrs. Glendower Evans and Mrs. Maud Wood
Park. Mrs. Ben Hooper spoke for the Wisconsin
situation, and Mrs. Charles McClure for Michigan.
New York was represented by Mrs. Harriman, Miss
Mary Wood and Miss Rose Young. State by state
will contribute its quota Of workers to bring pressure

to bear on Congress.
* *

REAL DEMOCRACY

This nation was founded upon the proposition
that all men are created equal. The greatest leader
the political party to which Mr. Root professes
allegiance ever knew iterated and reiterated that
thought. Is there anyone who doubts that Abraham
Lincoln meant women as well as men by that declara-

tion? How could anything else be meant? All
people are created equal. That is the foundation
upon which our government rests. That is the
fundamental underlying principle upon which the
very structure of the nation has been erected.
Women, the mothers, wives and sisters of men, surely
cannot be their interiors.

This nation is the great democracy, the great
government of the people. In its very essence a
democracy is a land in which no one is compelled to
obey laws of which they have no voice in the making.
At the time the United States Of America was
founded no thought was given to woman suffrage.
Custom had decreed that she should take no part in
public affairs. Her very property became that of her
husband as soon as the marriage knot was tied. She
had no rights that she could call her own. All that
has been changed except that she has not as yet been
given the vote. When she once began to agitate
for it she ought have had it at once, for she must
obey the laws, and where she cannot vote she has no
voice in the making Of them. TO deny her the vote is
undemocratic, unfair and un-American. It is not
the proposition to give her a vote that is “a menace
to the principles underlying the Union,” but the
self-satisfied Roots who would deny her her just
rights and seek to gloss over their unfair treatment
with flattery.

Flattery and beautiful flowers of speech are not all
that is due woman. She is entitled to far more,
justice and fair treatment, and these she will not
have until she is given a voice in the making of the
laws she must obey—Gazette, York, Pa.

PROGRESS OF THE
SUFFRAGE FEDERAL AMENDMENT

KNOWN IN THE
64TH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES AS
SENATE JOINT RESOLUTION NO. 1.

Proposing an Amendment to the Constitution of the
United States Conferring upon Women the
Right of Sufirage.

Resolved by the Senate and House Of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring
therein), That the following article be proposed to
the legislatures of the several states as an amend~
ment to the Constitution Of the United States,
which, when ratified by three—fourths of the said
legislatures, Shall be valid as part Of said Constitu-

tion, namely:
“ ARTICLE

“SECTION 1. The right of citizens of the United
States to vote Shall not be denied or abridged by
the United States or by any state on account Of sex.

“SEC. 2. The Congress shall have power, by
appropriate legislation, to enforce the provisions of
this article.”

 

History of Amendment.

First introduced in the Senate, January 10, 1878, by Senator
A. A. Sargent, of California.

REPORTED FROM COMMITTEE:

In the Senate:
1878, Adverse majority.
1882, Favorable majority. adverse minority.
1884, Favorable majority, adverse minority.
1886, Favorable majority. adverse minority.
1889, Favorable majority, adverse minority.
1890, Without recommendation.
1893, Favorable majority, adverse minority.
1896, Without recommendation.
1913, Favorable majority.
1914. Favorable majority.
1916, Favorable majority.

VOTED UPON IN THE SENATE:
January 25. 1887, yeas 16, nays 34.
March 19. 1914, yeas 35. nays 34.

IN THE HOUSE REPORTED FROM COMMITTEE:
1883, Favorable majority.
1884, Adverse majority, favorable minority.
1886, Adverse majority, favorable minority.
1890. Favorable majority.
1894, Adverse majority.
1914, Without recommendation.

VOTED UPON IN THE HOUSE:
January 12, 1915; yeas 174, nays 204.

Introduced in the 64th Congress

IN THE SENATE:

December 7, 1915, by Senator Sutherland, of Utah, Senator
Thomas. of Colorado, and Senator Thompson. of Kansas.

Referred in the Senate to Committee on Woman Suffrage.
Reported in the Senate on January 8, with a favorable recom-
mendation. '

IN THE HOUSE:

December 6, 1915. by Representatives Raker, Mondell, Keating,
Taylor and Hayden.

Referred in the House to the Judiciary Committee, and by it
to its sub-committee No. 1.

Reported to the Judiciary Committee by the sub-committee on
February 15. 1916, with recommendation that the Judiciary
Committee report it to the House without recommendation.
By a vote of 9 to 7, on February 15, the Judiciary Committee
returned the amendment to sub-committee No. 1 with in-
structions to hold until December 14. On March 14. the
Judiciary Committee by unanimous consent agreed to take
final Committee action on the amendment on March 28. On
March.28, the Judiciary Committee by a vote of 10 to 9 post-
poned indefinitely all Constitutional amendments.

Status:
IN THE SENATE:
On the calendar awaiting action.

IN THE HOUSE:
In the Judiciary Committtee.

 

 

 

December 14 1916 the Judiciar '

' , , y Committee reported the amend
men: Evithout recommendation to the House where it is await-
mg 0 ion.

 

 

 Page 6

{THE TRUTH ABOUT THE WOMAN VOTE

So much has been written

and said about the woman vote

by others than those who