xt70rx937t9n_474 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4.dao.xml unknown 13.63 Cubic Feet 34 boxes, 2 folders, 3 items In safe - drawer 3 archival material 46m4 English University of Kentucky The physical rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center.  Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Laura Clay papers Temperance. Women -- Political activity -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- United States -- History. Women -- Suffrage -- Kentucky. Women -- Suffrage -- United States. Survey text Survey 2020 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4/Box_17/Folder_32/Multipage20570.pdf 1910 January 2 1910 1910 January 2 section false xt70rx937t9n_474 xt70rx937t9n  



VOLUME XXIII, No. 18 ~IANUARY 29, 1910




















- Entered at the Post Office. New . '
10-, East 22d St., New York York,as SecoanS Maw 158 Adams St., Chicago














To secure a place In this Directory the name of
a flapply House must be submitted by an Insti-
tution purchasing from it, and known to the pub
lishers or THI Bonn. Published every Saturday.



China and Glass.
25 Duane street, New York.
Coffee, Tea and Spices.
288 Washington street, New York.
Dry Goods.
4214 Fulton street Brooklyn, N. Y.
420 Fulton street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
156 East 23rd street, New York.
Fire Apparatus and Supplies.
I. I. HAYWARD & (‘..0
New York, Philadelphia, Plttsbnrg.
Ready to Wear Garments.

For Men, Women and HChildren—Wholesale.
.70 Broadway, New York City.

IIIMAN 3808.,

Hudson and North Moore streets, New York.

North River and0 87th street, New York.
Hardware, Tools and Supplies.
l‘eurth avenue, Thirteenth street, New York.
House Furnishing Coeds.
West Broadwa and Hudson street, New York.
, 180 West Forty-second street, New York.
Kindling Weed and Hickory.
lleventh ave., cor. Twenty-fourth st., N. Y.
Kitchen Equipment.
“W18 1k CONGDR.
180 West Forty-second street. New York.
Laundry Supplies.
182 West Twenty-seventh street. New York.
Newspaper Clippings.
110- 112 West 28th street. New York.
Paints and Glass.
08 Murray street. New York.
510 Seventh avenue, New York.
Poultry and Guns.

Iils'e lid... 410-“. West 14th UL. led York.



Edward T. Devlne, Editor Graham Taylor, Associate Editor

A Journal of Constructive Philanthropy


Utto T. Bannard, Vice-

Robert W. deForest, President;

President; J. P. Morgan, Treasurer
T. Devme, General Secretary




Entered at the Post Office, New York, as second-class matter







Our Benefits . Edward T. Devine 563
The Survey This Week . . 565
National Conference on Uniform Legislation 565
Boston Loses an Opportunity . . 567
Duty of the State Towards the Workman 567
Insurance and Tuberculosis 568

The Churches Appeal' 1n Behalf of Labor . 569
Illinois New Charity Boards . 569
Civil Service Tested and Approved 570
Reclassifying Chicago Public Library Staff 571
Life Saving Laws from Miners’ Lost Lives . 571

Public Position for James F. Jackson . 572
Settlement House Closed in New York . 573
Pittsburgh, A City To Be Proud Of . . 573
An Epoch in American Mining, Graham Taylor 575
The Shirtwaist Slrike, Florence Kelley 575

A Birdseye View of the Anti- Tuberculosis Campaign,
Phil P. Jacobs . 579

The Trend of Things

. 583
. 587




Tn FIFTH Avnxun Aonnor
“A oIonring-houee for eooiul workers"
——07tmtiu and The Commons.
HELEN M. “ELSEY. Manager


Printers and Publishers.


206- 208 Fulton street, New York.
DIEWITT 1' (iAllliVF‘ .l i.

I77 Broadway. New York City.

I06 Bowery. New York.


439 West street.N1-w York.

827 Broadway. New York.











If there are moments when the very elect grow tired of the precepts of
organized charity and feel an unholy, irresistible desire to give somebody an in-
discriminate alms, when the program of constructive social work fails to fire
the imagination, and even THE SURVEY becomes a weariness to the flesh, as a
Chicago newspaper for which we have great respect suggests may happen, it
may facilitate the restoration of mental equilibrium to revert to some of the
simpler aspects of our elementary human relations, such as engaged the atten—
tion of the ancient and medieval philosophers. They had the rare privilege of
thinking and writing about these matters before they became so complicated
that no one except those same old philosophers with the ample leisure at their
command could have unravelled them. If that seem paradoxical, it but serves
as its own illustration. Who again can ever write of Justice as Plato wrote, or
who again can ever feel of Poverty as St. Francis felt? Modern statesmen can
do more than their Greek ancestors to secure justice, and the modern society
of St. Vincent de Paul can show a more rational attitude towards poverty than
that of betrothal, and one equally religious, but there is no modern equivalent in
full for the fresh delight and the feeling of reality which the masters may have
had in discoursing on such themes when they were unhackneyed, and the
wrangling of the ages yet unforeseen.

Thus Seneca, Roman philosopher, pleader of causes, court adviser of Nero,
and contemporary of St. Paul, could take up the subject of benefits,and sprinkle
throughout his volume a larger number of the sound precepts of organized char-
ity than are to be found in any modern annual report or text book. And the
amusing part of it is that the old Stoic has apparently no suspicion that he is
initiating a propaganda or advocating a great reform. Yet the truth is that
reforms are promoted and sometimes initiated by just such detached and aca-
demic speculation as is found in these pages. The teacher may show wisdom in
refusing to consider whether there are immediate, discernible fruits of his teach-
ing if he has reasonable assurance that a few of his students really understand
it. Seneca himself was no mere closet philosopher, but a very active and per-
sistent worker in the cause of humanity.

F ragmentary sayings do not convey the general argument of a book, but
they may illustrate the indebtedness of the modern world to the philosopher,
and may give us an opportunity to cast familiar and important principles into
unconventional language.

We must not consider how great presents are, but in what spirit they are given.
This Seneca illustrates by imagining a youth apostrophizing Fortune in these words:
January .29, 1910. 563




“Fo1tune, it is in vain that you have made me poor; in spite of this I will find a
worthy present for this man. Since I can give him nothing of yours, I will give him
something of my own.’ _

I am no advocate of slackness in giving benefits; the more and the greater they
are the moie p1aise they will bring to the giver. Yet let them be given with discretion;
for what is given carelessly and 1eck1essly can please no one. ‘Whoever, therefore,
supposes that I wish to 1est1ict benevolence and to confine it to narrower limits, entirely
mistakes the object of my warning. What virtue do we admire mo1e than benevolence?
Which do we encourage more? Who ought to applaud it more than we Stoics, who

preach the brotherhood of the human race? . . . That is not a benefit, to which the
best part of a benefit, that it be bestowed with judgment, is wanting.
Let us consider, most excellent Liberalis, . . . . . in what way a benefit should be

bestowed. I think that I can point out the shortest way to this; let us give in the way
in which we ourselves should like to receive.

As in dealing with sick persons much depends upon when food is given, and plain
water given at the right moment sometimes acts as a remedy, so a benefit, however
slight and commonplace it may be, if it be promptly given without losing a moment
of time, gains enormously in importance and wins our gratitude more than a far more
valuable present given after long waiting and deliberation.

There are some things which injure those who receive them, things which it is
not a benefit to give but to withhold; we should therefore consider the usefulness of
our gift rather than the wish of the petitioner to receive it. . . . As we refuse cold
water to the sick [The principle holds good even though the illustration loses its force],
or swords to the grief-stricken or remorseful, and take from the insane whatever
they might in their delirium use to their own destruction, so must we persist in refusing
to give anything whatever that is hurtful, although our friends earnestly and humbly,
nay, sometimes even most piteously, beg for it. . . . It is a cruel kindness to allow one’s
self to be won over into granting that which injures those who beg for it. . . . If pos-
sible, I will restrain men from crime; if not, at least I will never assist them in it. . . .
What can be more shameful than that there should be no difierence betweena benefit
and an injury?

‘ Nothing is by itself a becoming gift for any one: all depends upon who gives it,
to whom he gives it, when, for what reason, where, and so forth, without which details
it is impossible to argue about it.

Seneca, it appears, has rather strong Views on the subject of tainted money.
He asks what a captive should do if a man of abominable vices offers him the
price of his ransom. At a time when even a philosopher might find himself a
slave this was a very natural way to frame the question. This is his frank

I will tell you my opinion. I would accept money, even from such a person, if
it were to save my life; yet I would only accept it as a loan, not as a benefit. I would
repay him the money, and if I we1e ever able to preserve him from danger I would
do so. As for friendship, which can only exist between equals, I would not condescend
to be such a man’s friend; nor would I regard him as my preserver, but merely as a
money-lender, to whom I am only bound to repay what I borrowed from him.

No one is moved by righteousness and goodness of heart to cultivate an estate, or
to do any act in which the reward is something apart from the act itself; but he is
moved to bestow benefits, not by low and grasping motives, but by a kind and generous
mind, which even after it has given is willing to give again, to renew its former boun-
ties by fresh ones, which thinks only of how much good it can do the man to whom
it gives; whereas to do any one a service because it is our interest to do so is a mean
action, which deserves no praise, no credit.

January 29, 1910.










“Millions” is the only word that tells
the magnitude of the 1909 campaign
against tuberculosis. The National As-
sociation for the Study and Prevention
of Tuberculosis has canvassed every
available source of information in cities
of 30,000 and over, asking physicians,
secretaries of associations, health offi~
cers, etc., to contribute facts and figures
regarding the year’s work. As an index
of the extent of the campaign, take a part
of the program of the associations for the
prevention of the disease. 330 organiza-
tions reported 6,000 public meetings with
an aggregate attendance of 3,521,185, or
an average attendance of 583. Accord-
ing to the reports turned in, 8,309,629
books and pamphlets were distributed,
16,998 patients were aided and $975,—
889.56 was expended.

Mr. Jacobs thinks that although the re—
view of’ the year’s work shows much ac-
complished, signs indicate that 1910 will
demand twice as much in the way of
campaign funds, and that twice as many
patients will need treatnient.

The Pittsburgh Gazette—Times, re—
sponding to a strong feeling of local
pride and to other influences, has been
endeavoring to give the Pittsburgh Sur-
vey a black eye. It has stated, for in-
stance, that the Survey deliberately
sought to convey the impression that all
workmen in the steel trade are com-
pelled to work on Sunday. That, of
course, was not our statement, as all our
readers know. We showed that about
one man out of five works on Sunday.
That is unnecessary. It may be neces-
sary to run a blast furnace seven days a
week, but every man on the force can
and ought to have one day off. We ven—
ture to suggest that the editors and re—
porters of the Gazette-Times have one
free day a week—perhaps not Sunday,
but one free day a week each—-—although
that newspaper publishes an issue seven

January 29, 1910.

mornings in the week. The (Irradia-
I‘IUIt‘J‘ may believe it is doing l’ittsburgh
good service in attacking the Survey
111 this way, but what it is really doing
is helping perpetuate the very conditions
which the Survey found most vulnerable.

The mining bills pending in the Illinois
Legislature mark a new epoch in that
industry in this country, Professor Tay-
lor holds. There is now little enforced
protection for the miners, who are en-
gaged in an extra—hazardous occupa—
tion, or for the mine companies, who are
exposed to bitter competition. The bills
aim to protect life and property by vari-
ous provisions: to create Miners and
l\lechanics' Institutes for the. better train—
ing of the men, including university ex—
tension features; and to organize tire-
tighting and rescue stations which will
rush to the rescue in mine disasters as
the life—saving stations do in wrecks at

Mrs. Kelley points out that the English
trades boards act which went into ef—
fect the first day of this month, applies
to just such unorganized trades as shirt-
waist making where there is little chance
of the manufacturers and their employes
coming to a satisfactory agreement with—
out the intervention of some such outside
body as the act creates. The trades
boards represent both sides to a contro-
versy, and the public, too. They fix a
minimum wage, which becomes obliga—
tory after six months, with fines for fail—
ure to pay it. Exemption permits may
be granted to infirm workers. The Na-
tional Consumers’ League has endorsed
the movement for a minimum wage and
appointed a special committee to consider
it in the United States.


There assembled in Washington on
January 17, 18 and 19, at the invitation

of the National Civic Federation, repre-
sentatives of the American Bankers' As-





sociation, American Bar Association,
Association of Life Insurance Presidents,
Public Accountants, Conservation Com-
mittees, Child Labor Committees, For-
estry Associations, American Civic Asso-
ciation, Chambers of Commerce, Munici-
pal Leagues, many business corporations,
and a goodly number of the commission-
ers on uniform laws from the several
state commissions, to discuss the need
for greater uniformity in state laws.
Seth Low called the conference to order
and Judge Alton B. Parker served as
permanent chairman. President Taft
gave one of the opening addresses and
emphasized the desirability of greater
uniformity of legislation, especially on
divorce and other topics with which the
federal government is powerless to deal,
and as a remedy to counteract the undue
pressure now put on Congress and the
courts either to extend federal powers
or usurp what is intended to be state au—

Senator Root in a very able address
gave a further exposition of his well
known and at first misinterpreted views
on the legislative functions and responsi-
bilities of the states, and definitely pro-
posed an annual national conference of
state representatives with authority to
enter into agreements, subject to the ap-
proval of Congress, to be carried into
effect by subsequent legislation in the
same manner as has been successfully
done by the nations of Europe through
international conferences on the regula-
tion of the rules of war, commerce and to
some extent labor legislation.

Another suggestion in harmony with
that of Senator Root, looking to new
ways of securing greater uniformity in
the laws enacted by state legislatures,
was made by Prof. Samuel McCune
Lindsay, who proposed that organiza-
tions interested in securing legislation,
especially on industrial and labor ques—
tions where competitive business interests
find reasons for strenuous opposition,
should first make scientific investigation
of the industrial areas affected by the pro-
posed legislation and then present to the
Legislature of each state whose bound—
aries fall within that area bills to be en—


January 29

acted contingent upon similar legislation
in the other states falling within the area,
and not to take effect until such similar
legislation has been obtained. .

President Sterrett of the Public Ac—
countants’ Association urged the feasi-
bility of controlling corporations along
the lines of existing English law by hav-
ing better and more uniform legislation
relating to the organization of corpora-
tions and the promotion of corporatlve
enterprisees. '

Gifford Pinchot received the greatest
ovation of anyone who spoke at the con-
ference, and won additional friends for
the cause of conservation by subordi-
nating his personal controversy and ur—
ging united action on the president's rec-
ommendation for legislation at this ses-
sion of Congress. '

Resolutions were adopted on many
subjects, including one for a high stand-
ard of uniform legislation on child labor, _
concerning which an able summary of
existing legislation and a clear analeis
of a proposed high standard uniform law
had been presented to the conference by
Isaac N. Seligman.

The conference received additional
public notice through the meeting- in
Washington at the same time of the
House of Governors with thirty—one state
executives in attendance. The keynote
of this conference was expressed in the
words, “Where United States action has
failed and must fail; united states action
can succeed.” This conference of gov—
ernors resulted in a permanent organiza-
tion which will meet again in December
and hereafter at various state capitals,
with a permanent secretary and a definite

A very successful meeting of the
American Forestry Association was held
also in Washington during the sessions
of the Civic Federation Conference, and
many privately arranged conferences,
such as those between the members of the
National Child Labor Committee and the
Committee on Child Labor of» the Com-
missioners on Uniform Laws, resulted in
much profitable discussion and will pro-
duce important results.

The meeting of the Civic Federation
would have had an enhanced value if a









definite program had been arranged in
advance so that informal discussion by
representatives of the various interests
could have been focused on the more
important questions considered.


Boston has had her first election under
her new form of government. Certain
good government elements in the city had,
with not a little disinterested help from
other parts of the state, pushed a new
charter through the Legislature and laid
the politicians to one side by adopting
“plan two” at the state election. Then
the people of the city turned around and
elected Fitzgerald mayor—the man the
proved excesses of whose former ad-
ministration had led up to the change in

There were several causes for this.
The citizens’ organizations selected a
nominee who was associated in the popu-
lar mind with the Back Bay and the
financial world. Fitzgerald seemed to
the people more attractive, although re—
peated and convincing charges that he
was the catspaw of the public service
corporations were coupled with the pub-
lic evidences of graft and waste in the
departments under his previous adminis-
tration. He was full of promises of

jobs, easy jobs at good pay. The labor-
‘ ing people of Boston have not learned
that they pay the taxes on their homes,
and that Fitzgerald’s generosity reacts
on them perhaps more than on any one

There was also the racial element,
which Fitzgerald has lost no opportunity
to keep warmed up. Among the Irish in
Boston are the best citizens, men who in
civic affairs stand for the best interests
of their city. But they are yet in the mi-
nority and their appeal is not so strong
as Fitzgerald’s insinuating tactics.

Then there was Mayor Hibbard, who
mistook the enthusiasm over Fitzgerald’s
defeat two years ago as in praise of him-
self. By entering the present contest
Hibbard confused the issue, defeated
Storrow, and, to quote the Boston
Transcript: “retires from public office
with the smallest measure of respect of




any man who ever filled the mayor's
chair in this city.”

Without Hibbard in the way it seems
conclusive that Storrow would have
been elected. He would have made a
good mayor. Whatever the outs about
him may be, he is a man of unusal ability
and he could have had no excuse for
treating Boston as Fitzgerald did during
his former term of office.

What Fitzgerald is going to do this
time is a matter of much speculation.
The situation is very different from what
it was four years ago. The State Civil
Service Commission has to approve his
appointments of heads of departments.
His election gives the Finance Commis-
sion its real chance. It may give pub~
licity to all municipal affairs and it is in-
clined to do so. And the Council of Nine
members, if they are true to their con-
stituency, will support the city against
any attempt of Fitzgerald to repeat the
tactics of his former administration.
There are indications, too, that the peo-
ple are not going to participate so much
in civic slumber as in the past.

On .the whole the next four years in
Boston promise to be years of interest
and, in all probability, of advance, in
spite of conditions that are not as they
should be.


The Albany Evening Journal recently
had a most illuminating editorial on the
investigation for THE SURVEY of the
construction camps along the New York
state barge canal. The substance of its
wise comment is that the intolerable liv-
ing conditions found among the immi-

grant employes are not up to the state

in any way. The “general impression”
was, the Journal says, “that the state
from time to time invited bids for the
construction of the canal, and that con-
tracts were awarded in competition to
private corporations, the officers and em-
ployes of which are subject to all state
laws and local regulations pertaining to
labor, health, exercise and other mat-

We wonder just What the action of
the state government would be if it found




that the contractors were doing a poor
job; or if it were discovered that the mil-
lions the state is investing were not being
properly safeguarded. Perhaps then
some of the “private corporations” would
be called to account.

And then again it is within the bounds
of imagination to think that the benefi-
cent state should require decent living
conditions as provisions in those con—
tracts. New York city has found such a
course advisable.

The point that. the “employes of the
contractors are subject to all state laws
and local regulations pertaining to labor,
health, excise and other matters" is well
taken, indeed. Probably it is the ,“gen-
eral impression” that the contractors are
subject to state and local laws, but a
general impression is just about as far as
it goes. A little specific doled out by the
State Board of Health that had ample
power to change the sanitary conditions
in the camps and does not use that pow-
er; or by a State Labor Department that
allows (contrary to law) an employe to
be paid in “store money,” or by state
authorities who do not enforce the com-
pulsory education law, might do more
good than “general impressions,” which
are usually cheap.

The broad, social viewpoint of this Al—
bany journal is typified by these closing
editorial sentences: “Economic condi—
tions. of course, govern the employment
of labor by contractors engaged in public
work, and the same conditions found
along the canal may be found also along
the railroads, when new work is in prog—
ress. It may be found that the habits
of living among the laborers employed
by canal contractors make it easy to herd
workmen in a manner which is not fol—
lowed in other fields of enterprise. but to
hold the state government responsible for
the conditions described seems to be un-


Approval has been granted by Super-
intendent Hotchkiss of the New York
State Insurance Department to the ap-
plication of the Metropolitan Life In-
surance Company to purchase land for


January 29

the purpose of erecting a sanatorium for
the treatment of tuberculosis among its
employes. The company’s original ap-
plication was denied by Mr. Hotchkiss
on the ground that such use of company
funds would be contrary to the insurance
law, which prohibits insurance companies
from purchasing real estate, except that
necessary for the transaction of its busi—
ness. The Appellate Division of the
Supreme Court has decided that the mat-
ter was within the discretion of the su—
perintendent of insurance, who has ac-
cordingly granted the application.

The decision of the court referring the
question of the application back to the
superintendent of insurance marks real
progress in social legislation and in the
recognition of the duties an employer
owes to his employe. In brief, the decis-
ion distinctly recognizes the principle that
any business corporation may increase
its revenues and efficiency by treating its
employes in a humane manner.

Justice Kellogg, who writes the unani-
mous decision, says in this connection:

The duties of the employer to the employe
have been enlarged in recent years, and are
not merely that of the purchaser of the em-
ploye’s time and service for money. The
enlightened spirit of the age, based upon
the experience of the past, has thrown upon
the employer other duties, which involve a
proper regard for the comfort, health, safety
and well-being of the employe. A corpora-
tion may not only pay to its employe the ac-
tual wage agreed upon, but may extend to
him the same humane and rational treat-
ment which individuals practice under like
circumstances. It must do this in order to
get competent and effective service. These
acts are not to be defended upon the ground
of gratuity or_ charity, but they enter into
the relation of the employer and employe,
become as it were a part of the inducement
for the employe to enter the employment
and serve faithfully for the wage agreed
upon, and become a part of the terms of
employment. The considerate employer Who
treats his employes well is thus able to se-
cure better service, and upon more satis-
factory terms, than the unwilling. illiberal
employer. A corporation with 13,280 em-
ployes is called upon to exercise great care
in selecting and managing them so as to
receive the best service. The employment,
training. disciplining and managing such a.
force, and obtaining from it the best results,
is an important part of the relator’s busi-
ness. It is well within the corporate power
to assume. as it has done. the care and
treatment of such of its employes as are









afflicted with tuberculosis. If we assume
that the company has the legal right to
care for and assume the treatment of its
employes so afflicted, it must follow that it
has the right to do this in the most econom-
ical and most effective manner. I think the
company has the right to care for and treat
its employes so afflicted, and may do this
in the manner which promises the best re-
sult to the patient and consequently to the
company itself. The power of the company
to rent premises for such treatment and
care is, I think, beyond question, and if so,
it is for the reason that the premises are so
used for the convenient accommodation of
the company in the transaction of its busi-
ness. The same reasoning permits the pur-
chase of real estate upon which the company
may maintain a hospital for that purpose.

The Metropolitan plans to erect a sana-
tor-ium accommodating about 100 to 150
patients. An option on a 250 acre site
has been secured, and work will be
pushed as soon as possible.


The Commission on The Church and
Social Service of the Federal Council
of the Churches of Christ in America
has made an appeal in behalf of labor
to the congregations the country over.
Taking the results of the Pittsburgh Sur—
vey as an example of the state of things
in other industrial centers—“true to a
greater or less extent, often to the same
extent”——i-t applies the conditions there
found to those who “are engaged in do-
mestic and personal service, trade and
transportation, manufacturing and gen—
eral pursuits” and comes to these con-

It is the right of every man to have one
day out of the seven for rest and recreation
of body, soul and mind, and that it is the ob-
ligation of every Christian employer so to ar-
range his business that each of the employes
may have one day holiday in seven, without
diminution of wages. The normal holiday
is the Christian Sabbath, the Lord’s Day, but
Where the conditions of industry or service
require continuance of work seven days and
the consequent employment of some part of
the employes on the Lord’s Day, then those
so employed are entitled to receive a holiday
on some other day in the week and further-
more that it is the obligation of every Chris-
tian employer so to arrange his scale of
wages that the living wage of his employes
is calculated, not on -a seven day, but on a
six day basis.



' It is the obligation of every Christian em-
ployer, a part of the essential Christian

teaching of the brotherhood of man, to pay
every employe a living wage, that is, a wage
on which not only the worker but the aver-
age family can live under proper sanitary
conditions and with reasonable comfort.
Normally the great bulk of the indus-
trial work of our country should be done
by the heads of families, and wages should
be adjusted not to the cost of living
of the unmarried boarder but to the
family life in the home. The living wage
differs from time to time and from place
to place. The obligation remains un-
varied, and no industry can be counted as
properly conducted from the standpoint of
Christian ethics which is not so conducted
that all employes employed therein receive a
living wage.

It is manifest that that industry which,
employing its laborers six days in the week.
compels them to work twelve hours out of
the twenty-four, does not give to those em-
ployes a proper opportunity for sane and
healthy living. Family life, intelligent social
intercourse with one’s fellows, are impossible
under such conditions, and the laborer not
only is not encouraged to develop upward.
but, by the conditions of his labor, is held in
an inferior and degraded condition, with no
chance of development. Such a condition
is, we believe, contrary to the dictates of the
religion of Christ and a menace to the well-
being of the state. It is an obligation resting
upon Christian employers so to organize their
industry that the employe may have reason-
able hours of labor. This commission
recommends to the official bodies of Chris-
tian churches, in order to standardize, as it
were, the simplest Christian obligations in
the industrial field, to adopt resolutions call-
ing upon employers of labor within those
churches to conform, in their industrial oper-
ations to these three simple rules:

One day’s rest in each seven.

Reasonable hours of labor.

A living wage based on these reasonable
hours of labor.