xt70rx937t9n_490 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4.dao.xml unknown 13.63 Cubic Feet 34 boxes, 2 folders, 3 items In safe - drawer 3 archival material 46m4 English University of Kentucky The physical rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center.  Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Laura Clay papers Temperance. Women -- Political activity -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- United States -- History. Women -- Suffrage -- Kentucky. Women -- Suffrage -- United States. Woman's Leader text Woman's Leader 2020 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4/Box_31/Folder_4/Multipage21371.pdf 1921 1921 1921 section false xt70rx937t9n_490 xt70rx937t9n  









Registered as I. Newspaper.






Contents :

“ c(The Woman’s Leader ” in Politics:
’ Flt-\fl‘llliRS AND MO’I‘HERS
]?ERENCE. By (L Delegate.” ’
\\7OA'1.I*:N’S FRE‘EDOBI AN 1) POVVER . By Alarie
Carmichael Slopes, VD.Sc., 1,311.1). .
THE BURDEN OF THE INCOME TAX. B): ;\[1‘5. Ayrcs Purdic
[n theHome :
-\. ” LADY Slil{\vs\l\l'll.”—l. ‘ _

In Education : -

CAMBRIDGE C().\I].’R()I\HSERS. _ By Mrs. Margaret Ileitlamd
In other Lands: -
THIC [N'l‘l‘ll{;\',\’lfl()N,\L S'I‘L'DICN'I‘S’ CONGRESS .\T
[n Literature and Art :
RICVIIHVS: “ The. Industrial State,” “ A History Of SITOHIIIIII ”...
DRAMA: “ The linzu'c of INIIHIOIMlS,” ” L‘OLIn‘I ‘ X ‘ ”

CorrespOndence :


POLICY—The sole policy of THE VVOMAN’S LEADER is to advocate a real equality of liberties, status and opportunities
between men and women. So far as space permits, however, it will offer an impartial platform for topics not directly
. included in the objects of the women’s movement, but of special interest to women. Articles on these subjects will
always be signed, at least by initials or a pseudonym, and for the opinions expressed in them the Editor accepts

no responsibility.



and all Bookstalls and Newsagents.














The League of Nations Pilgrimage.

It has been reluctantlv, decided that the National Pilgrimage
which was beinn' o1g'anised to take place 111 Mav 21nd June must
be postponed till next year. lhe continuation of the indilstrial
crisis through which the country is 110w passing is proving an
insuperable obstacle to the arrangements necessary for carry-
ing through 2111 enterprise of this cl121racter. In spite, however,
of the abandonment of the actual Pilgrimage, the preparations
which have been set 011 foot for holding meetinu‘s and demonstra-
tions of ev er1 character are to «1'0 forward, and it is hoped that
the large 111in11bers of 1011111t-eLrs, 21nd the splendid suppoIt
given to the Union by the 01021111s21t1ons of the country will
continue to make these demonstrations 21 great success, 21nd it
is hoped that no efforts will be relaxed to carry on the local
activities. lhe Ixall1 in IIv de P111 k on League of Nations Day
will also take place, and all those who c2111 do so are c01dially
in\ ited to come to London for the octasion, and join in the pro—
cessions and demonstrations. Everyone willing to do so, should
communicate at once with the Pilgrimage Secretary, League of
Nations Union, 15, Grosvenor Crescent, when they will be
placed in communication with the Organiser of the Procession
to which they will be attached. V olunteers to sing1 in the choir
of the Hyde lark Rally 21,1e 111g'e11tl_1 required, and it is also
hoped that 21.11 those who have banners and pennants will come
and carry them in the processions, or send them for use in the
London demonstration, after they have been used at local func—
tions. We hop-e our readers will throw themselves into the new
plans with all the enthusiasm they felt for the old ones, so that
League of Nations Day will be a gr-‘at and glorious success in
spite of all the difficulties which surround it.


Indian Women and the Vote. .

\V-e reported last week that Woman Suffrage was being con-
sidered in Bombay, but Madras has gone further, and is to be
congratulated on being the first Presidency to grant the franchise
to Indian women, and thus to take a great step towards demo-
cracy. After a prolonged discussion, the Madras Legislative
Council decided, by 47 votes to 13 (10 111emxbers remaining
neutral), to recommend the removal of the sex disqualification
for admission to the electoral roll. Under the Reform rules the
(iovernment is bound to accept the recommendatio-n, and at the
beginning of the debate Sir Lionel Davidson announced 011
behalf of the Government that it would remain neutral, and
t2h 1t members would be free to v ote as they pleased. This was 21
great help and the large majority of the Hindu members spoke
for the resolution, the only seriOUs opposition coming from the
Mohammedans. Much credit is due to the \Vomen’s Indian
Association, which did' such valiant work in organising a great
educational campaign, and in arranging deputations to Ministers
21nd Members of Council. Evervthing was done to make things
easy for the members of the deputation 21nd the Ministers
received them with the utmost courtesy 21nd friendliness, and
during the debate two galleries were reserved by the President
of the Council for the use of the women. In India it is felt: that
there will be little opposition by the men of India to any pro-
gressive reform really desired by the women, 21nd it is hoped
that Bombay will soon follow the lead given by Madras. It will
not be quite so easy in the Purdah dist1iLts of India, for there
is not the same widespread demand for the franchise, and manv
of the lea-ding w omen me working in the non- -eo-operation move—
ment. Three Indian States have already given the vote to
women, 'I‘ravancore, Cochin, and JahaIw'ar. The number 'of

women in Madras who will profit by the remov al of the sex dis- .

qualification is not: as large as might be hoped, for the franchise
is based 011 property qualifications, and 111 Southern India, under
the joint family system, women do not often hold property The
v ital step has, however, been taken and the sex barrier 111 politics

has been 1emo1ved

.get the opportunity),

The Civil Service.

There is still no news of the promised Parliamentary debate
upon the po1sition of women in the Civil Service. On Monday
last Major Hills asked the Prime Minister when it was coming,
21nd received the reply that no date could yet be given. Mean-
while the abuses continue. The departmental and professional
classes are being treated upon the'lines laid down for the clerical
classes (the very ones that Parliament will reconsider when they
and the general confusion, uncertainty,
and dissatisfaction in the Service increases day by day. The
Second Interim Report 01f the .‘Lyt'ton Cotnnnittee, and the
results of the examination for temporary clerks have caused
great consternation. The only comfort, and it is slight, is that
the women have done rather better than the men in the
examination. \Ve understand that some four hundred temporary
women clerks are to be immediately established, and that further
vacancies for the rest 01f the year will be filled from this same
list, which should, in that time, provide for the women who
qualified. IZx—Service people (men and women) are, by the
Lytton Report, given an absolute assurance of ultimate estab-
lishment if they qualify, and are thus given an advantage over
the non—Service men 21nd women. This is, of course, the
(’iovernment’s policy, and it’is very hard. But when there are
fewer posts than candidates all policies are hard, and we can
only hope that the arrangements made by the Report will have
mitigated the hardship as much as possible.

The Whitley Principle.

Mr. Stuart: Banning, the chairman of the Staff side of the
National \Vhitlev Council for the Civil Service, has published 111
Civil Service papers the text of an interview between himself
and the chairman and secretary of the Joint Committee on
\Vomen in the Civil Service. It is interesting reading, and
shows, among other things, that| \Ir Banning is very u'neas1
about the whole matter. 0111‘ readers will 1, ememer that the
Staff side supported tl 1e equality principle, but that when it came
to giving things away to secure agieement that was the thing
they gave. The Federation of \Vomen Civil Servants, lepre-
sented on the Staff side through the Civil Serv ice Allian-CC, then
left the Alliance and tried in vain to retain representation on
the Staff side. In p1actice, even the meagre good done by the
\Vhitley Report to women is being refused, but Mr. Bunning
asserts that their action makes it imposible for him to see that
the agreement is carried out. Apparently he wishes to spend no
more beffort 1n the matt,er although, of course, he still believes in
equalit1, and- still represents hundreds of other women thiouo'h
the Staff side. V\ e cannot admire his attitude, nor the revela-
tion it gives us of the mentality of \Vhitley Codncils The prin-
ciple upon which they were founded was to secure by discussion
the greatest measure of common agreement between employers
and bemployed: the custom they appear to be following is that
fatal one which seems to dog and clog all present-day labour
politics—‘11amely, the endless indu lgenee in technical recrimina—
tions about the methods of procedure and the convolution of
1ep1ese11tation, to the almost total exclusion of the matters in
dispute. If Whitley Councils run too hotly down this cuiiously
unattractive path, they will run into the sand, and become futile
21nd ridiculous. We should deplore this iesult, for the \Vhitley
principle 15 a fine one, as a p1inciple.

Substitution in Italy.

Ex- soldiers are taking the 12 '1\v into their own hands 1n Ixomc,
and last week eneamped 1n various Government offiLes sas a apro-
test against the employment of women in the Civil Service.
Popular subscriptions kept them supplied with wine and tobacco

in their encampment, and we suspect that the scene was not '
Since then, the situation has been discussed in a,

debate by representatives of the two parties. The women


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l\lAY 6, 1921.

protest against any interference with their right to earn their
own living, and assert that only a very small percentage of
them have private means. \Ve hope that justice will be done
to them. As we are continually pointing out; the easing
of one hardship by creating another does not leave the society
concerned any better off. The only thing it does do is to sacri~
lice the less well-organised, and, therefore, less dangerous,
section to the more troublesome, and this form of opportunism
is only too well—known to the present generation.

The Plumage Bill.

Last week a Standing Committee of the House of Commons,
presided over by Sir H. Mackinder, considered the l’lumage Bill.
Colonel Archer-Slice tried to repeat his old tactics, but the
Chairman, after ruling a large number of amendments out of
order, refused to accept Colonel .’\rcher—Shee‘s motion for
adjournment, and was obliged to call him to order repeatedly
for irrelevancy and repetition. Eventually, this singularly per-
sistent obstrtmtionist was requested to resume his seat. The
speech of Mr Charles Williams, another opponent, drove an
exasperated Member to inquire whether complete incoherence
of speech was in order. Later, the Committee was without
a quorum and adjourned till this week. \Ve hope sincerely that
the small group of Members whose determined opposition, and
whose despicable tactics, caused the failure of the last: Bill to
emerge from the Committee stage, will not be able to repeat
their mantcuvrcs. The friends of the Bill will have to attend
regularly and see it through.

The Control Board.

The Liquor Control Board seems to be a (iovernmrnt
Department that wants to die, but is not allow ‘d to do so. The
(iovernment is not prepared with a new policy on the Drink
Traffic, and is to keep the Control Board in being until, under
pl'CSSUI‘C of public, opinion and assisted by a round—table con-
ference, such a policy has crystallised. The brewers are waiting
for the (iovernment to call a conference, and are in favour of
the .‘\ttoi‘11ey-(ieneral as its chairman ; the Temperance party
is in favour of a committee consisting, as to one half, of impartial
representatives of the public, and, as to the other, of equal
numbers of representatives of temperance and the trade. Im-
partial representatives of the public will not be easy to select,
unless impartiality and indifference are deemed to be syimny-
Much will depend on how these representatives are
chosen, and we should not be surprised if the non-expert
members of the committee are selected" by reference to some
other “ label.” \Ve shall not be satisfied with any committee

‘ which contains only two women, though that number seems to

be regarded in many quarters as possessing some peculiar
sanctity. ;

Factory Inspection. '

\Ve are glad to note that several vacancies for junior
Inspectors of' Factories, both men and women will be filled
“ shortly.” This department, one of the most useful and fruitful,
has long been understaffed, and has been fed with promises
rather than recruits. In the case of men, the age-limit of 23—30
years is extended to 35 in the case of men with ten years‘ indus-
trial experience. All women applicants must have had at least
twelve months’ recent experience in a Government Department
on responsible work of administration or inspection concerned
with conditions of labour. This rules out women who have
acquired extremely useful knowledge in the service of private
firms ; we trust: that it is a; concession to women war-workers in
Government employ, and that it will not be imposed on future
candidates for the inspectorat:e. The :‘ige—limit of 25—40 is a
recognition of the factthat Women of middl‘ age are for some
purposes at their most competent ; this is a great thing gained,
and the change of public opinion on the matter has been
astonishingly rapid.

- Belgian Women Lawyers.

Last week the Belgian Chamber of Deputies passed, by 124
votes to one, the Bill giving women the right to practise as
barristers. Miarricd women still, hoiw‘ever, have to obtain the
permission of their husbands, which is a curious, but probably
a purely formal reminder that marriage is still an oflicial state
of bondage. Husbands in Belgium, as elsewhere, are not likely
to object to an «addition to the joint income: and we do not sup-
pose that this provision will prevent any barristers from prac-
tismg. It will, however, furiously annoy married Women, and if
it seems to spur them on to enforce a fairer ideal of married
life, this ridiculous" provision may actually do good.




t».- ~


_ Cambridge Univrfisity is mortally afraid of the Commission.
lt knows that it has behaved badly towards women—or that
most people outside the University think so: yet it can neither
bring its-elf to recognise the equal educational claims of women
citizens, nor, if possible, allow the State to recognise them.
So during the past few weeks it has set itself to “ explore ” (in
modern phrase) the possibilities of a compromise—or, in other
words, to do a deal. The endeavour is to conclude a bargain
with the women’s colleges and their friends. The terms of, the
bargain are roughly these: that the University should give
women naarly everything they ask for, except the membership
of the University, which they most desire. In return for this
half—loaf, the governing bodies of the women‘s colleges are not
to invite “ external interference ” by drawing the attention
of the Universities Commission to the present grave injustices.

The terms of this proposed bargain have been drafted by


a group of a dozen gentlemen—half of whom were opponents

of sex equality at the University, and half supporters——who, at
the invitation of the Vice-Chancellor, assembled in informal
conference. The twelve members of this new conference have
embodied their proposals in the following memorandum, which
many of our readers will like to study carefully 2——

I. “"0an students shall be matriculated as members of women‘s
colleges and be subject to a distinct disciplinary body.

' 2. Women students shall be eligible for all degrees of the t'nivcrsity,
With all its privileges, except membership of the Senate and of the
Electoral Roll and of any other such Ilouse of Residents.

3. There shall be a Board elected by senior women residents to control
the discipline of women students and with the right to report to the Vice-
(‘hancellor for publication to the Senate on all matters affecting Women‘s
education. ' i

4. Two \vranen representatives shall be elected by senior women resi-
dents as assessors to the Council of the Senate, \xith a consultative voice
but no vote.

3. The number of. resident women m in?!” pupil/art shall not be
increased beyond 500, except by grace of the Senate.

(3. \V'omen shall be eligible, subject to existing special rights of par-
ticular colleges,* for all scholarships, prizes and studentships of the
l’niversity, and for all professorsl'iips, readerships, lecturcships,
examinerships, &c., and for membership of boards and syndicates.

7. A woman if elected professor shall not be cc o/fzriu head of the
department concerned. ,

It will be noticed at once that fear of the Royal Commission
has led the enemy to ‘ give ground " extensively. Their
sole concern is to grant as much as possible in order to
prevent the Commission from giving women everything. They
seek, in their preamble to this memo 'andum, to force their terms
on women by saying that the Council of the Senate will ask
the Senate to vote for giving women merely “ titular " degrees
as an alternative to the larger offer. It looks, therefore, as
though these new proposals would be carried.

That the proposals, if carried, will mark a great advance
upon anything yet done by Cambridge for women is obvious. But
then Cambridge is so far behind. ' .

The present scheme, which would allow women to be pro-
fessors, but not to exercise the ordinary rights of M..\.'s, or
even to elect other professors, to act as ‘assessors’ to the
Council of the Senate, but not to vote in the Council, is a scheme
riddled with all the absurdities which invariably accompany
unfairness. Should the scheme pass, far more attention will be
drawn to the Senate, the Council, and the anomalous procedure .
of Senate House discussionsv—than would have been the case
had the reactionz‘u‘ies not made. this halicrous attempt to pre-
serve for their own enjoyment one last cabbage—patch of power.
Meantime, enfranchised citizens of both sexes all over the
country will look to the Commission to [place the admission of
women to full membership of Cambridge University in the fore-
front of its recommendations. ,

The proposals for the “ compromise had no sooner been
circulated than a bitter cry went up from the opponents of the
women’s ‘ausc, who' exclaimed, in effect, that “ lost leaders ”
had betrayed them. “ It is not a compromise, but a surrender,”
they groaned. They see all too charly that members of the
garrison have undermined their citadel and that they cannot con-
tinue the fight with any hope of success. The motion of offering
Women :1 nine-tenths victory does not allure them ; since they
do not care to take their own defeat by instalments. If the
Universities Commission and '.)arlia.ment by their force majeure
would establish complete sex-equality, both parties to the
struggle might welcome the deliverance. ,

l\"l.»\RG.\ :2 ET H a memo.



'* For example, Ho's would exrlmie (I. woman from rlm’m/ug [/H.’ rig/I!
lo maniacal/[15 0/ a college /0r me): in air/rte 0/ a giro/(ismrs/H'Z) field by Mr.




MAY 6, igzi‘.



Of all the elements which make up human life, there can be
no queStion as to which is the most important. ‘ Civilization, with
all its complications, government with all its problems, war,
peace, the food or the coal supply, these and a thousand others
.are all vital and fundamental matters ; but all these things are
as nothing to humanity compzu‘cd with the continuance of the
race. Everything is, of course, closely bound up with everything
else, but the starting point of human affairs is human life, and
nothing whatever in the material world is of comparable
importance. It is, therefore, obvious that we must make wise
arrangements for future generations, and must provide for our
successors upon this earth an opportunity to be born, and to
live, in such conditions as will enable them to take up our tasks
when we must lay them down. .

This doctrine is so obvious that it needs no preaching: it
has been accepted and believed since the world began. It is
reinforced, moreover, by so strong an instinct that it can be
accepted without any words at all. It is the natural function
of a normal man, and still more of a normal woman, and as such
it takes its place in life at the very centre of the whole concern.
The sexual instincts, the love of a home, as well as all the
protective and unselfish movements of men’s, hearts, are parts
of this primary business of handing on our life, and there is
verv little in ordinary humaneffort whichcan be said to be
wholly unconnected with it.

\Vhile all this istrue of men and women alike, there is every
reason to believe that this general instinct has a special and
peculiar intensity for women. Physically their connection with
their children is very close. Their share in bringing new human
beings into the world, and in watching over their helpless days,
makes a claim upon their whole being, and there is no doubt
that, while to all of us this matter is fundamental, to those of
us who are'of the female sex it is consciously and obviously the
main task we have to perform. ‘ '

\Vhen we say this, we mean considerably more than that
women wish to have children of their own. The special lot
which life and circumstance may give to any individual is
distinct from the human instincts which move us all, and many
women who never bear a Child possess, and consciously exercise,
those faculties and emotions which motherhood requires. We
mean more even than that: many women devote their lives to
caring for children not their own. We mean, rather, that
women, taken as a whole, look upon life as if they were mothers,
basing their standard of values upon the assumption that
children are of the first importance, that the qualities which
their nurture demands are the qualities a human being should
possess, and that the state of the world most favourable to
their upbringing is the state of the world whicli Should ever-
lastingly prevail. we believe that these statements are true, and
that the world offers evidence enough to prove them, and in
saying this we are saying nothing more than that “ \Voman’s
Place ‘is the Home.” Although this phrase was used by our
opponents in the suffrage days, it is a maxim which is pro-
foundly true, and we have never disputed it. It was, indeed,
one of our best reasons for wanting the vote; we: need not,
fortunately, renew that old discussion, but can most solemnly
assei‘tt‘hat we not only know our place, but delight in it: for
what is natural is very satisfactory.

What we do not know, however, even now in our new "en-
franchisement, is what is our home? We know what we should

like it to be, and what it ought to be; Nature saysto us that
our home is where our children are, and that it is our place to
care for them up to our very highest lights, helping .and being
helped by their father. \Ve can imagine a home in which :father
and mother are partners, where the welfare of the young is the
central point of the interests of the home, and where the whole
business of family life runs smoothly and well. If we are both
fortunate and wise we secure such a home for ourselves, .and
enjoy it : but we have to be both very fortuiurte and very wise.
For the laws. of this land provide for no such thing, and prepare
for no such ideal. And, although we are much better than our
laws, they influence us still. __

According to the law of this country a married woman is
not responsible for her children. It is not her part to decide, or
to share the decision, as to their religion, their place of abode,
their education, or their health. She has no rights over them,
and they can be taken fro-m her by their father whether he sup-
ports them or not, and, in short, according to the law she is not
their parent at all.

The survival of the ridiculous code upon which all this is
based is one of those curious anomalies of which English law
is so full. It dates back, of course, to the days when married

and wlfe were one, and he was that one ; they had but one purse

women were supposed to have no separate existence.

and it was in his pocket; and all she need do was to act as
unpaid house‘keejer and be thankful she wasn’t‘an old maid.
Jhey were bad days for women, and we have long outgrown
them ; but the laws based upon them still disgrace our Statute

Book, and still allow abuses which have most intolerable effects i

in those homes where happiness and agreement do not reignu

On the day this paper appears a private members’ Bill will
be brought forward in the House of Commons designed to
remedy this state of affairs
Maintenance and Custody of Infants Bill,” and it will be intro
duced by Colonel Greigand backed by members of all parties.
being a Bill to introduce equal guardianship and to protect the
interests of infants, it Is naturally supported by all the leading
women’s organisations in the country, the long list of which is

"published on another page. The provisions of the Bill, which

have been set forth before in these columns, include not only
equal guardianship by father and mother, but also equal respon-

sibility upon both to Stipiport their children according to their

means. It provides for better and speedier enforéement of
maintenance orders, and abolishes the present ridiculous plan
by which the imprisonment of the father for non-payment of
such an order cancels all his arrears of debt. It is, in fact, a Bill
drafted not in the interests of fathers, or of mothers, but; of the
“ infants ” themselves, and we sincerely trust that the House of
Commons, for all that it has but one mother in it, may see its
real importance, and push it through with so fine a majority
that the Government will give it the necessary facilities to pass
into law.

th-en women got the vote some people feared they would
have too much influence on the form of legislation. This fear has
proved quite unfounded, but we can say without hesitation that
in directions such as this women cannot possibly have too much
influence. rT'his is the sort of Bill whic-lrfalls entirely within
‘ women’s proper/sphere.” Ifiour place'flis to-be the home, the
children for whom that home exists must be our children as well
as their father’s children. The thing is self-evident—and we
trust it will soon be an accomplished fact. '

' at

Its title is the “ Guardianship,‘



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MAY, 6, 1921.





The week has been so full-of political incident that it is impos-
sible in the compass of these notes to give both an account of
the events as they occurred and also their inner significance.
Perhaps the best course is, therefore, to describe as shortly as
may be the happenings of an eventful week, and to leave over
their effect on the deeper movements of politics.

On April 25th and 26th, Mr. Chamberlain introduced the
Budget. He spoke well, but not remarkably so; and, except
in one point, the contents of his speech were so well known
beforehand that interest somewhat flagged. The only new
point was his conversion scheme for government borrowings
which. mature in or before 192‘. He had to meet a difficult
situation, for in addition to our floating debt of some 1,200
millions, 600 or- 700 millions more call for repayment within the
next four years. This latter sum he is converting into a long
term loan, which will not be repaid for forty years; and,
naturally, since he has to ask the holders to forego early pay"
ment, he has to give them something in exchange. “'hat he
gives is probably the minimum that they would accept, and he
has made the best bargain possible in a difficult situation.

The discussion on the Budget on neither day rose to a great
height. It never does. The. interesting debates occur later,
when the individual duties are discussed, and on these the real
contest of will arises.

More dramatic, and far more important in its influence on the
future, is the retirement of Mr. Lowther from the Speakership,
and the election of Mr. Whitley. This occurrence, carried
through with all the pomp of traditional form, took four days
for its completion, and was not perfected until Thursday, April
28th. The following is the sequence of events :—On Monday,
April 25th, immediately after Questions, Mr. Lowther announced
his decision to retire, and the Prime Minister gave notice that
he would next day move two resolutions, one thanking him for
his distinguished services, and the other praying His Majesty
to confer some signal mark of his favour upon him. The mean—
ing of the second resolution is that Mr. Lowther getsa peerage
and a pension of £4,000 a year. On the following day, in a
packed House, with the Peers’ Gallery, the only one open to
strangers, fuller than it has ever been before in this Parliament,
Mr. Lloyd George rose to move his motions. It has often been
said before that he: does not excel on these occasions, but on the
present this criticism must be, withdrawn, for whether from
deep feEling or from personal regard for Mr. Lowther, he made
an admirable speech}, which well reflected the feelings of the
House. Mr. \Valsh and Mr.’ Asquith followed,_and then the
resolutions were carried by acclamation, without any opposition,
and Mr. Lowther made an impressive and dignified speech of
thanks. Owing to the exigencies of his o-tlicial position it fell
to his lot himself to read the two resolutions to the House, and
for the first time in his Parliamentary career he was too deeply
moved to be able to go on. . .

It seldom happens in human affairs that'the setting and the
atmosphere are fitting for great events, but. on this occasion they
most conspicuously were. Every element conspired to make

the House’s farewell to Mr. Lowther commensurate with his .

great qualities and the affection in which he is held. His record,
if you come to think of it, is an extraordinary one. A member
of a family which. was first represented in the Commons six”
hundred years ago, he himself has sat for thirty—eight‘years, of
which twenty-six have been spent in the service of the House,
ten as Chairman of Committees and sixteen as Speaker. Only
four Members survive of the Parliament Mr. Lo‘wther originally
entered. He has, therefore, seen a whole Parliamentary genera-
tion come and go, and he has seen it in an epoch when change
has moved with unusual swiftness. The qualities which have
won him. the esteem in which he is held are simple qualities.
He is courageous, quick at makingup his mind,rimpartial, and,
above all, possessed of the salt of humour. His veryivo