xt70rx937t9n_535 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4.dao.xml unknown 13.63 Cubic Feet 34 boxes, 2 folders, 3 items In safe - drawer 3 archival material 46m4 English University of Kentucky The physical rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center.  Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Laura Clay papers Temperance. Women -- Political activity -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- Kentucky. Women's rights -- United States -- History. Women -- Suffrage -- Kentucky. Women -- Suffrage -- United States. Speeches text Speeches 2020 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt70rx937t9n/data/46m4/Box_20/Folder_4/Multipage26709.pdf 1912-1916 1916 1912-1916 section false xt70rx937t9n_535 xt70rx937t9n  


 . 7 [51,”
The Good Old Days. WW ’

I prOpose a toast to the Good Old Daylfijust a:.:he=;e¢a§ when the abound-

in life of the nineteenth century began to cry that women were exclu- ‘J

ded from many rights which make liféovvtkfi— . Immediately
cautious persons were alarmed lest inP contest privileges should be
lost for Which rights would be no compensation. Feminine lips set in
a truly womanly and pleasing expression by pronouncing “prunes and prisms"
murmured"flw prefer privileges". Men, , showed gggggspirit, and
demanded with indignation if women would have the temerity to enter
spheres properly limited to men. One of the rights, college education
for women, was attacked on both sides. Women felt that it was oppro—
bious to call them strong—minded and men deprecated meeting on the
companions of their firesides the Sharp competition of mentality which
they had to endure in the world of business. When they came home from
their day's work they did not wish 1: immediately to be drawn 1nZEaner—
sation by college-bred wives on the latest discoveries in science, or
asked to amuse themselves by solving problems ih higher mathematics. Was
it not well known that when men desired that kind of mental exercise
they :;:;;x£xxd it in men's clubs; but when they were in female soci-
ety they desired repose for their intellects. Just recently we hare seen
the elegislature
in%yirginiajh;w men still prize this privilege of associating with
restful feminine minds by the exhibition of exultation when a bill inn
tended to establish college facilities for the daughters of the State

was voted down. s:houts of victory and wild applause gave evidence

of how much those Virginia soldns still cling to that privilege of the

good old days now passing aw y Horace Gree e 's p thy advice "Go West,
mums ,gifgézzrémb ' * 7¢1Q¢Vfij"34r' Lua79¢f
young man, go ”est" indicated—that “

Factive intelligence. I suppose because Kentucky is west of Virginia
the State university was made co—educational long ago by the efforts
of distinguished men; and in the west of Kentucky a business college

welcomed this new spirit of educati n for womai, and graduated young


 2‘ r ‘w/ '—

women in its most approved business 0 arse. one of inek nsznnces of
its success was the fact that a young woman, having taken tcv :‘;rse,
was immediately employed by a firm which had previously employed a
young man; and it was triumphantly declared tnat she did the work Jus
yesrly ,
as xell as be for aAsalary of six hundred dollars whereas tne young man
had received eighteen hundred dollars. This evoked the comment that she
paid exactly twelve hundred dollars a year,for the privilege of being
a woman. Vobody denied that it was north the urice ,-to gfib/scmen.
‘ {agei
;§the young nan vho lost his Job went out est gfifi his site begng},,v
by t?at invigorating air he began to reflect that young women
trained in busin n'ss colleges might increase in numbers faster than
18:0 dollar jobs; and if women's orivileges involved their vorking for
one trird Mealasy, vnO knew if he could maintain that he had always
Lfimu nt nis rigb t to a fair wage for fair work? How women do not mind

e“, r to men wno “ * ' ‘v“ resting t eir brains snen tuey talk

a man tint after all women are not sticklers for Luis Specie priv-
of working for cut-rate sages; but that tneyare merely yedlding

:rinuiele of political economy enion will not bend for woman or

tgat&any class which is on a lower plane of rights than another

{y‘rdmfi W {24/1/ch en W ”bro

c competitors of m favored Mole vane _' in that new est the ‘ihfioéflQnL

omnidid‘ W m my}; WI ~ the est “fl/lb ZVZI
trovcrsv‘tha me fer 1 z '- ~ ; for 1: declared fake

away toe barriers t: rignt3,z nd let urivileges care for themselves .


Iflflffifi :£:£:re's to the Good old EaYS! May all that was b:zz::i%;pin womanhood
[7% 214~nc9(

liviion an} grew more beautiful, secure in t :e calm-maéestg of ri: ate,

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T l .ra voter it is a matter of indifference whether the vote whichch
h: EZStEGEZr : member of tong ess is‘given under one authority or the other,
so long as he is permitted to exerciSe the right. To the disfranchised
citizen, however, the matter appears in a totally different light..r
figain, under the Federal as well as under the state constitutigns,
there is a difference between the right to vote and the qualificatio us
for voting, although they are often confounded; and this confusion more
than any other one thing is the cause of tomen being denied the right of”
Federal suffrage. It should also be borne in mind that the term "people as
used in the original Constitution, is identical with that of citizen, news
more c mionly employed. To many this may seem to be a piece of super-
fluous information; nevertheless, the Supreme Court of the United states
laid great stregsupon it, and called particular attention to it, in the
case of Scott v.3andford, 19 Howard. Under the Federal Constitution
again there is no such thing as half-may citizenship. r person is either
a citi en of the United =tates , or he is not, and Federal suffrage is
conferred only upon the "peocle" on citizens, who are possessed of full
citizenship, and consequently are members of the national body politic.
In a closely contested congreSsicnal election this might become an im-
portant question. Yet these foreigners, who are not citizens, and mayy
never become such, many of Whom cannot read a line of anglish, are per—
mitted to vote for our national law makers, wnile intelligent native-born
citizens are denied that ri ht. It is a shame that the men of this country
permit such a thing:

But the cardinal difference, the difference of differencies between
the zonstitution of the United ftates and those of the several states, in
regard to the riyht of suffrage, lies in the fact that under the former
the element of sex is wholly eliminated: The language of the Constitution
which established the rith of suffrage is as follows;

"The Houses of Pepresentatives shall be composed of members chosen
every second year by the peeple of ‘he several states; and the electors
in each State shall have the qualifications of the electors of the most
numerous branch of the state Legislature”s(firt.I.¢ec.2.t

The wirht to vote for members of the douse of hepresentatives is
thus vested in 'the beetle of the several “tates” without itmitziinx
condition, limitation, or restriction of any kind, and especially with~
out reference to sex. As men and women unitedlycconstitute the peeple,
unitedl_ they are entitled to the franchise. The riiht is bestowed upon
Both classes, and neither is authorIEEdfto_deprive the other of its ex-
ercise. Let it be repeated that under and by virtue of this section alone,

men have voted for members of Congress since the foundation of the govern-
ment; not because they are males; not because of their sex; as is the case
with Ytate suffrage, but because they form a part of the peeple of the
several States , in whom Luis Federal right is vested! And for precisely
the same reason the other half of the pecple are also entitled to exercise
this Federzl ri ht. ‘

If it be asked, why, then, have men, during all these years deprived
women of so glain a right, I reply, that it is not incumbent upon me to
stnte eh a wrong has been committed, but only to point out how it may
be remed ed. It may be stated, however, that this century of wrong-do-
ing is the result of an erroneous construction of the second clause of
the section, relating to the qualifications of the electors. The Consti-
tutioz established the right of suffrage, but did not prescribe the
qualifications of the voters. In place of doing this, it adepted the
qualifications of the several States for their voters, and required the
Federal xnxnxx electors to conform to them.

To ascertain these, the Federal electors in each State must exam-
ine the law of the ”tats, and comply with its requirements on the subject
of qualifications. None of the states, so far as I am aware, make EEE



a cuelificution for voting. It is made an element or condition of the
ri£nt to vote, snfl in this way the right.to vote in the states has been
confined to males, the qualifications of the voters being an entirely
different thing. But even if some states were to rank sex in the list
of ounlifioutions. it would apply only to their own voters. rho Supreme
Court hes sell observed in the Ysrbrough case, that the Constituti n is
not only a part of the law of every “tete, but is the paramount law. The
riget of Federal suffrage was established in order that it might be exer-
cised, and cannot be defeated by s “tats law disguised as a qualification.
Then the Federal Constitution was framed, and for many years there-
after, the qualifications required of ”tats electors were three in number,
to :it: age, residence and props rty. This last qualification has long
since been dispensédowith, leaving only age and residence. is a matter
of c urea, women could comply with these as reudily as men. But the trouble
began, and is continued, by confounding right with qualification, and
it is to tile letter only that the Constitu*: n refers. In addition to this
no special attention was given to the subject by men. Their right to vote
being undisputed, tney did not grieve over the wrongs of the other class :1
enfl thus the matter has firiftefl along.
It will now be proper to consifier the two fiecisions of the supreme
Snort which bear directly upon the subject of Federal suffrage.
The first is the case of {inor v. Hspnersett, 21 "sllece, in
which the court held that the rifiht of Federal suffrage, clsimed by the
plsintiff, did not exist. The decision Was not adverse to the plaintiff
on account of her sex, as comoonly supposed, but because the court at that
tine was of the owinion that the ri at of suffrage belonged entirely to
the “tut s; the crurt soloing that in. “nited 3totes has no voters of its
own creation, end that too Eonstituz“ n of t2e finited Ctstes does not
confer tee rirht of suffrrge uyon inyonc.
Tntortsining those views the decision was necessarily adverse to
toe plain: ff. In reference to tie matter of sex, the c nrt said, that
“sex has never been made an element of citizenshin in the Wnited “totes.
In L;is resievt men have never had an seventsge over women. The same laws
grecisely apyly to both”. It furtuer enid,"if the ri nt 0: suffrage is
one of the necessary privileges of a citizen of the Wnited “tetes, then
toe COflLEibLtl n and less of fiissouri, confining it to men, are in viola-
tion of Lne Constitution of the ?nitcd °tetes, es emenced, and consequently
ihis decision has ronfiered in :875. Sine years leter, in the
rbrougn cese, 11$ 7.“., the court hsd changes its views, ens declared
at Lee ri it of Federal suffrtge does exist, and is based upon the
v c=titutiun of tie Vnitec ”totes. The importance of this lost decision,
thc‘sfore, c:nnot be overestimated. flthongh the questi;n of women's
ignt to tie zllot was not in terms before the (curt, it is necessarily
involved in any adjudiceti n of the question of Federal suffrage.
It is made so by tAe Constitu13 n, =JiCh permits no distinction to be
made bettcen citizens of the ”sited itctes as regards tnis ri ht. The
ri ht of suffrrgo, es declared by :he Court to exist, is vested in the
"resale of the several “tstes”.
The weenie consist of men and semen. The ri ht is, ghergfore. vested
in men and gonsn.

in extract from the Ysrbrough oecision is here given;-

t" rf

fftor a statement of are facts the Court said: " cut it is not correct to
soy 11st the ri ct t vote for a member of Fongress does not cepend on the
Constitution of the *nited “totes. She office, if it be pronerly called
on office, is crested by the Constitution, and by that alone. It also
ceclsres how it shall be filled, namely, by election. Its language is;
”fine louse of Representatives shall be composed of members choSen ever


second year by the peeple of the several itates; and the electors in
each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the
most numerous branch of the State Legislatures . article I, sec.2.

"The States in prescribing the qualifications of voters for the most
numerous branch of their own legislature, do not do this with reference
to the election for memshers o:_CoEgrg§s.Hor can thgz prescribe the qual—
ifications for those, so ggmigg. They de?ine wuo are to vote for the
pepular brandfi‘of—their—own legislature. and the Constitution of the
United states says the same persons shall vote for members of congress in ti

that State ”. ( Note by Laura Clay; The court fails to notice that the
Constitution does 323 say the ”same persons", but that the elctors shall
have the qualifications requisite for electors in the most numerous branch
of the State LegisIatures. This peculiarity of language suggests that
the framers of the Constitution had in mind that some persons might be
Federal elecnors who were not ”tats electors).

"It adopts the qualifications tint: thus furnished as the qualifi—
cations of its own electors for members of Congress. It is not true,
therefore, that the electors for membe rs of Congress owe their right
to vote to the Cttate lav-:2: , in any sense which makes the exercise of the
right to depend exclusively on the law of the State”.

We are next to ceasiuer the practical use to be made of this decision
and a further quotation from ans deciSion itself will show that ought to
be dens. The court said: "The principle, however, that the protection
of the erercise or the right is within the power of Congress is as neces—
sary to the right of other citizens to vote in general, as to the right
to ca protected against discrimination. The exercise of the right in
both instances is guaranteed by the Constitutiun, and should be kept
free ans pure by Congressicnal enactments whenever necessary".

Acting upon the suggeStion or the court, the form of an act for this
purpose is submitted.........( I did not cOpy this form, as since the
{adeptien of the 17th Amendment, *enators as well as ”epresentatives
‘ShOUld be included in the ict.l.C.) I

‘ The authority of Congress to pass such an act is not only up-
held ny the Supreme Court, but its passage is enjoined upon that body.

In the Virginia convention of 1788, which was convened to consider
and ratiry the Federal Constitution, Kr.Jadison one of the framers was
asked to eXplain the meaning of tee fourth section particularly as’tc
thy Congress had an ultimate control over the time:place, and manner of
holding elections of Representatives, to which he replied that the power
has reserved because” should the people of any Ftate by any means be
deprived of tie ribht of suffrage, it mas judged preper that it she 1d
be remedied by the general government"+ Elliott's Debates h 366“ u

do time ctuld be more auspicious than the present in vies of
the fact that more than thirty millions of the people are de riv d f
the right of Federal suffrage. One would suprose that a facg fet‘:
character mould arouse general attention, and the wrong be corgectguS
out as we all snow, such is not the case. the principle or the equalit
gieall gitizens under the law has never been reduced to actual practice?
equa§i%y? oghzugggzge represents, or is intended to represent, that

sui rigs movement is designed to bring about

that result. Its motto is , One law for all citizens alik C
thing be fairer or more just than this? There is no com $.i an any-
matter. Those who do not wish to vote need not do so hp: 8 on 1? the
should make it possible for all to vote d Tn conse ’ u the law
ficulties encountered, many suffrasiSts arefidis‘ozeguznca o the dif-
mitggré and acgept partial suffrage. I think this is : giggtogiztvfige

- surren er of princi le. It is a -c ss'w V N U A '

be given, or withheld, whicg is not trueno; ggdeial Sgggrggg rigfigtmag
3 r1 ht established in the Federal Constitution for all the people, or



citizens, and anzulo naver be comircniseu or surrenxeren. it was in
FEfCTSLc“ Lu buw Inn L tun» Tamera; citinansniy curries With it Federal
wwrrrxge tnht the ‘upreme €0u_rt, irz‘vhmt is knnwn a5 the "laughter Youso
Caves, Ib ’nllaca, er 3Le.li ed tue a .019 mattar in tnege memorable acids:-
'Tne negro, hfiving by a‘;1e Ourbfientn amenumant been declared to be a citi

iyen 0f aha ’nitefi Ttutms, 19 thufi mafia fi veto? in "Vnry Qtufn 0f 1%“

in entire vnlwwa 19 Cfimfrfififififl iv infise wovfln.
fiman ara Uiffizang 0? *he Ynitvfi *twtns, flfid ”fie ”thus wade v02 ara
$316 of LEE Wrist“, aaadfng cfily ”snawnguifinn; vecnmnfitién of $59
353thflnth mvnnd ant wwvli ufifi rnrhing tn rnnir richt ,avvnvt
w 31a ixalufie "tflfiw a"”’“ "a. Tut why roatrcne the sverfligfi
fi¢“@r i T1”nb an 3H3“ any»-333 Let women be recognized by Con-
?navr.l vs: "*! ~33 tna tn: 3 nsnlfl, of ikeir own nernrn,

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h I ’ .

1;,jjftt, 13: ans nimsolf a prxciicing‘lamye”

79hr" of T9T6 “en.“obert Tmen, of Tklahoma, brought in a
;ne rcquwst of :hu “=uzzavu tutefi 'Qamn ‘ujfr~ge fonfer nee, to
"**e: Leo vi f if vuie :0? ”nited 'Leixtns Terrnsentxiives

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 ”Read and hand to some intelligent friend, with request to read and pass it on.









Ladies and Fellow (futons:

It will not be long before it shall be sutficient in North Carolina, as well as
elsewhere, to say simply, “fellow citizens." It is a pleasure, always, to come
to Greensboro. Your people are progressive and open-minded. You are willing
to hear both sides of any proposition and then give your voice to the side that
seems to be the better cause. You stand for the betterment of conditions, and
form your opinions only after hearing what can be said for and against any
measure. In short, this town is not fossilized. Its people belong to the Twen—
tieth Century. One of the leaders down at Raleigh in the tight to confer equal
and just rights upon women is a distinguished son of your i0Wll—-Sell:lt01‘ IIob~
good. He had the courage to stand for the right. and will be heard from, in
the years to come, as a leader.

“'0 have heard much of the “submerged tenth.” I am here to say a word
for justice to the "(I‘l'h‘fitlllt‘ll[SUI half." \Vhen our Constitution was formed at
Halifax in 1770 and at Philadelphia in 1787 representative government was
new. For thousands of‘years, down to that time. the people had not governed
themselves. but they had been governed by whatever power held the sword.
Only a partial experiment had been made in a few cities like Athens and Rome,
where corruption and military violence had dominated, and for three or four
centuries the landed interests in Great Britain had some voice in the Govern—
ment—checked. however, by corruption and intrigue.

They are poor students of history who think that in 1770' we reached a demo—
cratic form of government. as we now understand popular government. Our
State Constitution at Halifax allowed the manhood of the State to vote only
for the lower house of the Legislature. The Senate was chosen only by voters
who owned 50 acres of land or more. The judges were elected by the Legisla-
ture for life, and the Governor and the other State officers were also elected by
the General Assembly, which body chose the magistrates, who in turn chose the
sheriff and other county otticers except the clerk of the court. who was ap-
pointed by the judges for life. I’roperty was evidently afraid of manhood suf-
frage, and checked it on all sides so as to make it merely a delusion. It was
60 years before the people were allowed to vote for Governor; nearly 80 years
passed before they were allowed to vote for State Senators, and 92 years before
they were allowed to vote for judges.

In the Federal Constitution formed at Philadelphia there was the same dis—
crimination. The people were entrusted with the election of only one-sixth of


 the Government, 1'. 6., with one-half of the legislative department—the lower
house of Congress—while the Senate was made elective at second hand through
State legislatures, and it took us 115 years to acquire for the people the right
to elect United States Senators. Last year was the first time the people of
North Carolina ever had that privilege. The President was made elective at
third hand by electors to be chosen by the State legislatures. But after the
lapse of 40 or .70 years the people, without any constitutional amendment,
forced the choice of electors to be made at the ballot box. with the result that
they became mere figureheads, and we thus achieved practically the election of
the President by the people—contrary to the evident intention of the Constitu-
tion. The third department of the Government—the judges—were made ap-
pointive at fourth hand by the President. who was intended to be chosen at
third hand by the electors selected by the legislatures and subject to confirma-
tion by a Senate chosen at second hand. and they were given life tenures, to be
beyond any consideration of the popular will. This last matter still remains
in that archaic state. The I'nited States judges are not yet made elective by
the people, and still hold for life, though Mr. Jefferson one hundred years ago
contended that they should be made elective and serve for a term of years.

I have thus instanced the growth Of manhood suffrage. first to point out to
you that this movement for suffrage to the women is the logical outgrowth of
this great democratic movement to place the Government in the hands of the
people, and, secondly, to point out that while men have been slow in achieving
their own emancipation, and that manhood suffrage is still denied as to one
third of the Federal Government—the choice of the judiciary—this movement
for the ent‘ranchisement of the women has progressed far more rapidly. Begin-
ning some 40 years ago and practically becoming active only in the last 15
years, it has already become a part of the Constitution in twelve great States
of this country and one Territory, and covers 49 per cent of the area of the
continental United States. Already one—fourth of the United States Senators,
one—sixth of the House of Representatives. and onetifth of the presidential
electors are chosen by States in which women have equal suffrage with the men.


In the last thirty days the movement has acquired accelerated speed. A con-
stitutional amendment to confer equal suffrage has passed the New York Legis-
lature by a unanimous vote in both houses. One man spoke against it, but there
his obstinacy failed and he voted for the measure. The equal suffrage amend-
ment has passed also by overwhelming majorities in the legislatures of Mas-
saclmsetts, New Jersey. Pennsylvania, Iowa. South Dakota, West Virginia,
Tennessee, and Arkansas. It passed one house in Maine. but lacked one vote
Of the necessary two-thirds in the other house. and in Texas. It is pending in
several other States. All this has happened in the last thirty days. North
Carolina‘s is the only Legislature this year that so far has refused, to allow the
people to vote upon the question.

Besides the above progress, there are some twenty other States in the Union,
in addition to the twelve that have full suffrage. in which the women have
municipal suffrage or vote for school ollicers and on local tax assessments.

The movement, too, is world-wide. The women have equal suffrage with the
men in Denmark. Iceland, Norway, Sweden. and Finland in the north of
Europe. and in the linion of Australia and in all its states and in New Zealand.
In addition. the women have municipal suffrage in all the provinces of Canada
(a country territorially as large as the I'nited States) and in England, Scotland,
Ireland. and Vi ales. Indeed, in the British Isles the women vote for everything,





and are eligible for every office, except member of Parliament, and they are
sure to get that at the first parliament held after the war closes. This is prac-
tically agreed upon.


A movement that is thus world—wide in its scope and which is moving onward
with accelerated speed is no mere fad. but has its foundation in the justice of
the demand and in the need for the suffrage based on economic causes. It has
been proven beneficial in the countries and States which have adopted it.

Though formerly suffrage was based upon property and other considerations,
the present Constitution of North Carolina recognizes that all adults, native
born or naturalized, are entitled to it except those who are mentally or morally
deficient. Let us examine the clause in our Constitution on suffrage. It admits
to the ballot all adults who are native born or natu 'alized, except four classes.
What are these classes that are disqualified ‘3 They are: (1) Idiots and luna-
tics—because they are mentally defective. ('2) Convicts—because they are
moral defectives. (3) Illiterates—unless their grandfathers could vote—be-
cause. as a class, negroes are deemed mentally and morally unfit; and (4)

Are the mothers, the wives, sisters, and daughters of the white men of North
Carolina disfranchised because they are morally defective or because they are
mentally defective? Unless they are. they have as much right to vote as the
men, and are as competent to exercise the right Of suffrage. They cannot be
deemed morally defective, for the records of our courts, our jails, and State
prisons show that there are some twenty to thirty times as many men tried and
convicted of crime as women. Are they mentally defective? That is the only
remaining ground which can be urged. Judging by' the evasive and often
illogical objections urged against equal suffrage by speakers who bestow exag-
gerated compliments while denying the women their rights, this must be the
belief of many of the opponents. I have never heard but one man who stated
the objection squarely. I was passing through Caswell County in an auto-
mobile and stopped at a country store one Saturday afternoon, where there
were several men. some of whom knew me. and the subject of equal suffrage
was mentioned. A rather dilapidated specimen of a man, whowas whittling
a dry-goods box. spoke up and said: “Weemen ain‘t fitten to vote. They ain’t
got no sinse. I knows ‘em." I told him he was entitled to the credit of having
the courage of his convictions. and if his statement was correct, the women
ought not to vote; that he was the only man I had ever heard give a reason
for opposing equal suffrage; but that when he said women had no sense he
reminded me of a man from the “dark corner of Wake” (as we call it), who
came down to Raleigh to see Ringling’s circus. It was the first one he had
seen, and with round—eyed wonder he looked at the camels, elephants, lions, and
tigers. But he did not notice one animal lying down in the corner chewing
some hay. Presently the giraffe began to get 111) and unfold himself until his
head touched the tent pole. The countryman staggered back and said: “They
ain’t no sich animal 1” And I told him that when a man said that the women
did not have at least as much sense as the men, I would say to him, “They ain’t
no sich animal 1”


The elements that really oppose woman‘s suffrage are: (1) The liquor inter-
ests, who know that women are in earnest in Opposing their business. Votes
of the women at the last election carried the only four States that voted for
prohibition, and every one knows that in all the other States that have prohi-
bition their indirect influence has been the great motive power for prohibition.



If they had had the ballot they would have voted liquor out of all the States
long since. (2) The political machines are opposed to equal suffrage, for where
they have the men rounded up they fear to lose their control, for they know
that they cannot fool the women as readily. Then there is the vice trust and
those who make their protit by handling child labor and by oppressing the
women in sweat shops. and all those who are opposed to a cleaning up of the
community morally and physically.

I do not mean to say, by any means, that all who are opposed to woman’s
suffrage belong to one or more of these classes. This would be untrue and
unjust. The largest number of those who oppose the suffrage do not belong to
these classes; but the classes I name are those pecuniarily interested in oppos-
ing the admiSsion of women to the suffrage.


I will mention brietiy some of the objections that are made to this movement:

First. It is said that it is a fad and a mere temporary delusion. The sketch
that l have given of what equal suffrage has achieved in the last fifteen years
throughout the world and the marvelous progress that has been made in the
last thirty days is a sufficient answer to this. No movement unless based upon
the fundamental economic needs of the age Could make such world—wide and
irresistible progress. If it were a fad. it would be repealed when experience
had demonstrated that it was injurious or needless. But it has not been re-
pealed anywhere, and, on the contrary, wherever it has been tried it has spread
to the adjoining States.

Second. It is said that women are too emotional for the ballot. When Mr.
Bryan put Wilson in nomination at Baltimore the demonstration lasted for
nearly an hour before any one could be heard, and the tramping and marching
and shouting resembled that of a lunatic asylum. When Roosevelt was put in
nomination at Chicago this record was more than surpassed. I might mention
many other instances. I am not condemning the enthusiasm of the men on
these occasions. But I wish to say that the women have never equaled such
emotional displays as those.

Third. It has been said seriously that if women are allowed to vote they will
vote for the handsomest man. I now understand why some politicians are
opposed to women voting.

Fourth. It is urged that the vote is not necessary for