xt71rn302x33 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt71rn302x33/data/mets.xml Clay, Henry, 1777-1852. 1829  books b923264c57922009 English Thomas Smith, printer. : Lexington, Ky. Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. American Colonization Society. African Americans --Colonization --Africa. Slavery --United States --Societies, etc. An address, delivered to the Colonization Society of Kentucky, at Frankfort, December 17, 1829 ... at the request of the Board of Managers. Published at the instance of the Society. text An address, delivered to the Colonization Society of Kentucky, at Frankfort, December 17, 1829 ... at the request of the Board of Managers. Published at the instance of the Society. 1829 2009 true xt71rn302x33 section xt71rn302x33 
















at the instance of the Society.']




a M eeting o f the Colonization Society o f Kentucky Auxiliary to the A convened in Frankfort on

merican C olonization Society o f the United States, the 17th day of December, 1 8 2 9 , Resolved unanimously,

T h a t the thanks o f this Society are due to the H o n . W m . P . Fleming, E s q . and R e v .

H e n r y C lay for the very able and eloquent address delivered by him this day, a nd that his Excellency T h o m a s Metcalfe, J o h n B ryce, be a Committee to request a copy o f the s ame for publication.


D E C . 18,


1 h ave to acknowledge the receipt o f the resolution adopted by the K e n t u c k y C olonization Society yesterday, expressing its sense o f the Address w hich I h ad the honor of delivering, at the instance o f the B o a r d o f Managers, a nd r equesting, through you, a copy o f it for publication. Although I am entirely p ersuaded that I am indebted to the partiality o f the Society for the favourable estimate which it has made o f the character o f that Address, a copy o f it shall be furnished as soon as it can be conveniently prepared, for such use as the Society may c hoose to make o f it. I a m with great respect, Y o u r o bedient servant,

H i s E xcellency Thomas

Metcalfe, Esq.

William P. Fleming,

and the Rev. John Bryce.




I M O S T s incerely wish that the task of addressing you, on t his o ccasion, had been assigned, by the Board of Managers, to s ome i ndividual m ore competent than l a m to explain and illustrate a nd e nforce t he claims of the Society to the friendly and favorable c onsideration of the public. 1 yield to n one i n a thorough persuasion o f the u tility o f the s cheme o f the Society, in a profound c onviction of its practicability, and in an ardent desire for its complete success. B u t I am sensible that there are many others who c ould more happily than I can, throw around the subject those embellishments which are best c alculated to secure attention, and engage t he cordial and energetic co-operation of the community.    W h e n the application was first made to me to deliver this address, I h esitated to comply w ith i t , b ecause I a pprehended that my motives would be misconceived, and my language be misrepresented. S ubsequent reflection determined me to adhere to the m a x i m of m y w hole l ife, to endeavour to render a l l the g ood i n my power, w i t h out being restrained by the misconceptions to which I might expose m yself. In entering upon the duty which has devolved upon m e, I ask only the exercise of ordinary liberality i n judging the i mperfections which w i l l d oubtless mark i t i performance. I n s urveying the United States of North A m e r i c a and their T e r ritories, the beholder perceives, among their inhabitants, three separate and distinct races of men, originally appertaining to three d ifferent continents of the g lobe, e ach race v a r y i n g from the others i n c olor, physical properties, and moral and intellectual endowments. T h e European is the most numerous; and, as well from t hat f act, as from its far greater advance i n civilization and i n the a rts, h as the decided ascendancy over the other two, giving the law to them, controlling their condition, and responsible for their fate to the Great Father of a l l , a nd to the enlightened world. T h e next m ost numerous and most intelligent race, is that which sprung from A f r i c a , the largest portion of which is held i n b ondage b y their b rethren, d escendants of the European. T h e aborigines, or Indian r ace, are the least numerous, and, w ith t he exception of some t ribes, h ave but p artially e merged from the state of barbarism i n which t hey were found on the first discovery of A m e r i c a . Whence, or how t hey c ame h ither, are speculations for the research of the curious, o n which authentic history affords no certain light. T h e i r f uture fortunes or condition, form no part of the subject of t his a ddress. I s hall, I h ope, n evertheless be excused for the d i

g ression of dedicating a few passing observations to the interesting r emnant of these p rimitive p ossessors o f the new world. I have n ever b een a ble to a gree i n the e xpediency o f employing any extraordinary exertions to blend the white and c opper c oloured r aces t ogether, by the c eremony o f marriage. There would be a motive f or it i f the Indians w ere e qual or superior to their white brethren, i n p hysical or intellectual p owers. B u t the fact is believed to be o therwise. T h e mixture improves the Indian, but deteriorates the E uropean element. Invariably it is remarked, that those o f the m ixed blood, among the Indians, are their superiors, i n war, i n c o u n c i l , and i n the p rogress o f the useful arts, whilst they remain i n the rear of the pure white r ace s till f arther than they are i n advance o f the pure Indian. In those i nstances (chiefly among the F rench) during the p rogress o f the settlement of this continent, i n w hich the settlers have had m ost i ntercourse with the Indians^ they h ave rather sunk to the level of their state, than contributed essentially to their civilization. B u t i f there be no a dequate r ecommendation to the white race, of a n u nion by intermarriage, with the Indian, we are enjoined by e very duty of religion, humanity and magnanimity to treat them w ith k indness and justice, and to recall them i f we can, from their s avage to a better condition. T h e United States stand charged w ith the fate of these poor c hildren of the woods i n the f ace o f their c ommon M a k e r , and i n p resence o f the world. A n d , as certain as t he guardian is answerable for the education of his infant w a r d , a nd the management of his estate, w i l l t hey be responsible here a nd hereafter, for the manner i n which they s hall p erform the d u ties of the high trust which is committed to their hands, by the f orce o f circumstances. Hitherto, since the United States b ecame a n i ndependent p ower a mong the nations of the earth, they have g enerally treated the Indians with justice, and performed towards t hem a l l the offices o f humanity. T h e i r policy, i n this r espect, w as vindicated during the negotiations at Ghent, and the principles w hich guided them i n their relations with the Indians, w ere t hen p romulgated to a l l Christendom. O n that o ccasion, t heir representatives, holding up their c onduct i n advantageous contrast with t hat of Great B r i t a i n , a nd the other p owers o f Europe, s a i d : " F r o m " the rigor of this system, h owever, a s practised by Great B r i t a i n " a nd a l l the European p owers i n A m e r i c a , the humane and liber" al policy of the United States has voluntarily relaxed. A c ele" brated writer on the laws of nations, to w hose a uthority B r i t i s h " j u r i s t s h ave taken particular satisfaction i n appealing, aftersta" ting, i n the most e xplicit manner, the legitimacy of colonial set" tlements in A m e r i c a , to the exclusion of all-rights of uncivilized ft I ndian t ribes, has taken o ccasion to praise the first settlers of " N e w - E n g l a n d , a nd the founder of Pennsylvania, i n having pur" chased of the Indians the lands they resolved to cultivate, notft w ithstanding t heir being provided with a charter from their ft sovereign. It is this example which the United State's, since they

b ecame, by their independence, the sovereigns of the territory^ " h ave adopted and organized into a political system. U nder that " s ystem, the Indians residing w ithin the U nited S tates are so far " independent, t hat they live under their own customs and not under " the laws of the United States; t hat their rights upon the lands " w here they inhabit or hunt, are secured to them by boundaries " defined in amicable treaties b etween the U nited S tates and them" selves; and that whenever those boundaries are varied, it is also " b y amicable and voluntary treaties, b y which they receive from " t he U nited S tates ample compensation for every right they have " to the l and ceded by them. T h e y are so far dependent as not to " h ave the right to dispose of their lands to any private person, nor " to any power other than the U nited S tates, and to be under their "protection alone, a nd not under that of any other p ower. Wheth" er called subjects, or by whatever name designated, such i s the " r elation between them and the U nited S tates. T h a t relation is " n eiter asserted now for the f irst t ime, nor did it originate With the " t reaty of G reenville. T hese principles have been uniformly re" cognized b y the Indians themselves, not only by that treaty, but " i n all the other previous as well as subsequent treaties b etween " t hem and the U nited S tates." Such was the solemn annunciation to the whole world, of the principles and of the system, regulating o ur relations w ith the Indians, as admitted by us and recognized b y them. There ca:: be no violation of e ither, to the disadvantage of the weaker party, which w i l l not subject us, as a nation, to the just reproaches of a ll good m en, and which may not bring d own upon us the maledictions of a more exalted and powerful t r i bunal.

W hether the Indian portion of the inhabitants of the U nited S tates w i l l s urvive, or become e xtinct, in the progress of population w hich t he European race is rapidly making from the shores of the A tlantic to those of the Pacific ocean, provided they arc treated with justice and humanity, i s a problem of less importance. T h e t wo races are not promiscuously mingled together, but are generall y s eparate and distinct communities. There is no danger to the w hites o r to their p urity, f rom the power or from the vices of the I ndians. T h e c ase i s widely d ifferent w ith those who form the i m mediate o bject o f this address. T h e A f r i c a n p art of our population, or their ancestors, were b rought hither forcibly and by violence, i n the prosecution of the m ost abominable traffic that ever disgraced the annals of the human r ace. T h e y were chiefly procured, in their native country, as captives i n war, taken, and subsequently sold by the conqueror as s laves to the slave trader. Sometimes the most atrocious practices o f k idnapping w ere employed to obtain possession of the victim?. W ars w ere frequent between numerous and. barbarous neighbouring t ribes scattered along the coasts or stretched upon the margin o f large rivers of A f r i c a . T hese wars were often enkindled and p rosecuted for no other o bject t han to obtain a supply of subjects

for t his most shocking c ommerce. I n these m odes, h usbands were t orn f rom their wives, parents from their children, brethren from e ach other, and every tie cherished and respected among men, was v iolated. U pon the a rrival, a t the A f r i c a n c oast, o f the unfortunate beings thus reduced to slavery, they were embarked on board o f s hips c arefully constructed and arranged to contain the greatest a mount of h uman b eings. Here they were ironed and fastened i n p arallel r ows, and crowded together so closely, in loathsome holes, a s not to have room for action or for breathing w holesome a i r . T h e g reat aim was to transport the largest possible number, at the least p ossible charge, from their native l and to the markets for which t hey were destined. The greediness of cupidity was frequently d isappointed a nd punished i n its purposes, by the loss of moities of w hole c argoes o f the subjects of this infamous c ommerce, f rom w ant a nd suffering and disease on the v oyage. H o w much happier w ere they who thus expired, than their miserable survivors! T hese A f r i c a n s laves were brought to the continent of A m e r i c a , a nd the islands adjacent to it, and formed the parent stock of the r ace now amongst us. T h e y were brought to the c olonies n ow c onstituting the U nited S tates, under the sanction, and by the a u thority o f B ritish l aws, which at an early period of our coloirjal existence, admitted and tolerated the trade. It is due to our colonial a ncestors, to say, that they frequently and earnestly, but unsuccessfully r emonstrated to the B ritish C r o w n against the continuance o f the practice. T h e introduction of slavery into this country i s not, therefore, chargeable to them, but to a government i n w hich t hey had no voice, and o ver w hich they had no control. It i s e qually due to our parent state to advert to the honorable fact, t hat i n the midst of the Revolutionary war, when contending for her o wn independence and liberty, she evinced the sincerity of the s pir i t , i n which those r emonstrances had b een a ddressed to the B r i t i s h t hrone, b y denouncing, under the severest penalties, the further p rosecution of the slave trade, w ithin h er jurisdiction. A n d I add, w ith g reat satisfaction, that the Congress of the U nited S tates passed an act, abolishing the trade as early as by their constitution it w as authorized to do. O n the s econd d ay of M a r c h , 1 807, the act w as passed, for which it was my happy lot to vote, the first s ection o f which enacts, " T h a t from and after the first d ay of J a n u a r y , " 1 808, it s hall n ot be l awful to import or bring into the U nited " S tates, or the territories t hereof, f rom any foreign kingdom, place " o r country, any negro, m ulatto, o r person of colour, w ith i ntent to < h old, s ell o r dispose of such negro, mulatto or person of colour, as &    a s lave, or to be held to service or labour." T h u s terminated, w e may hope f orever, i n the U nited S tates, a disgraceful traffic, w hich d rew after it a t rain o f enormities surpassing i n magnitude, d arkness and d uration, a ny that ever sprang from any trade pushed by the enterprise or cupidity of man. T h e U nited S lates, as a nation, are got responsible for the original i ntroduction, or the subsequent continuance of the slave trade.

W henever, as has often happened, their character has been a ssailed, in foreign countries and by foreign writers, on account of the i nstitution o f slavery among us, the justness of that vindication has b een a dmitted by the candid, which transfers to a foreign government the origin of the e v i l . N o r are the United States, as a s overeign p ower, responsible for the continuance of slavery w ithin t heir l imits, p osterior to the establishment of their Independence; because b y neither the articles of confederation, nor by the present c onstitution, h ad they p ower to put an end to it by the adoption of a n y system of emancipation. B u t from that e poch the responsib i l i t y o f the several states i n w h i c h slavery was tolerated, commenced^ and on them devolved the momentous duty of considering w hether the e vil o f A f r i c a n slavery is incurable, or admits of a s afe a nd practical remedy. In performing it, they ought to reflect, t hat i f when a given remedy is presented to their a cceptance, i n stead of a due examination and deliberate consideration of i t, t hey p romptly r eject i t , and manifest an impatience whenever a s uggestion i s made of any plan to r emove t he e vil, t hey w i l l e xpose t hemselves to the reproach of yielding to the illusions of self-interest, a nd o f insincerity i n the professions which they so often make of a d esire to get r i d of slavery. It is a great misfortune, growing o ut of the actual condition of the several states, some b eing exempt a nd o thers liable to this e v i l , t hat they are too prone to misinterpret the views and wishes of each other i n respect to it. T h e N o r t h a nd the South and the West, when they understand each other w e l l , m ust be each convinced, that no other desire is entertained t owards the others by any one of them, than for their welfare and p rosperity. I f the question were submitted, whether there should b e either immediate or gradual emancipation of a ll the slaves i n the U nited S tates, without their removal or colonization, painful as i t i s to express the opinion, I have no doubt that it would be unwise to emancipate them. F o r I believe, that the a ggregate o f the evils w hich w ould be engendered i n society, upon the supposition o f s uch general emancipation, and of the liberated slaves remaining p romiscuously among us, would be greater than a l l the evils o f s lavery, g reat as they unquestionably arc. T h e several States of the U n i o n were sensible of the responsibility w hich accrued to them, on the establishment of the independence o f the U n i t e d States, i n regard to the s ubject o f s l a v e r y .     A n d m any of them, beginning at a period prior to the termination o f the Revolutionary war, by successive but distinct acts of L e g i s lation, h ave effectively provided for the abolition of s lavery, w ithin t heir r espective jurisdictions. More than t hirty y ears ago an attempt was made i n this Commonwealth, to a dopt a s ystem of g radua l e mancipation, s imilar to that which the i llustrious F r a n k l i n h ad m a i n l y c ontributed to introduce, i n the year 1779, i n the_state f ounded by the benevolent P e n n . A n d , among the acts of my l ife, w hich I l ook back to w ith m ost satisfaction, is that of my having cooperated, w ith o ther zealous and intelligent friends, to procure the



e stablishment of that system i n this state. We believed that the s um o f good w hich would have been attained by the S tate of K e n t u c k y , i n a gradual emancipation of her slaves, at that period, w ould have far transcended the aggregate of mischief which might h ave resulted to herself and the U n i o n together, from the g radual l iberation o f them, and their dispersion and residence i n the U n i t e d S tates. W e were overpowered by numbers, but submitted to the d ecision of the majority w ith the grace which the minority, i n a r epublic, s hould ever yield to such a decision. I have nevertheless n ever ceased, and never s hall c ease, to regret a decision, the effects o f which have been to place us i n the rear of our neighbours who a re exempt from slavery, i n the state of a griculture, the p rogress o f manufactures, the advance of improvement, and the general prosperity o f society. O ther s tates, i n which slavery exists, have not b een unmindful of i ts e vils, nor indifferent to an adequate remedy "for their removal. B ut m ost of them have hitherto reluctantly acquiesced i n the continuance of these evils, b ecause t hey thought they saw no practical s cheme f or their removal, which was free from insuperable o bjection a nd difficulty. Is there then really no such r emedy? M u s t w e endure perpetually all the undoubted mischiefs of the s tate of s lavery, as i t affects both the free and bond portions of the population o f these states? A l r e a d y the slaves may be e stimated at two m illions, a nd the free population at ten, the former being i n the p roportion of one to five of the latter. T h e i r respective numbers w i l l p robably duplicate in periods of t hirty-three y ears. In the y ear ' 63 the number of the whites w i l l p robably be twenty, and o f the b lacks four m i l l i o n s ; i n ninety-six, forty and eight, and in t he year 1 929, about a century, eighty and sixteen millions. What mind is s ufficiently e xtensive i n its reach, what nerves sufficiently strong, to contemplate this vast and progressive augmentation, without an a wful f oreboding of the tremendous c onsequences? I f the two d escriptions of population were equally spread and intermingled o ver the whole surface of the United States, t heir d iffusion might d i minish t hedangcrof their action and corrupting influence upon each o ther. B u t this is not the state of the fact. T he s laves of the U , S tates are chiefly restricted to one quarter of the U n i o n , w hich may be described w ith s ufficient general accuracy, by a b oundary beginning w ith the mouth of the Potomac river, extending to i ts head, t hence to the Ohio river and down it and the M ississippi to the C iulph o f M e x i c o , and w ith t hat and the A t l a n t i c ocean, and the B a y o f Chesapeak to the beginning. M a r y l a n d , D elaware, M i s s o u r i , a p art of Louisiana and Arkansas, c ompose the whole of t he r esidue of the slave district of the United States. W i t h i n t hose l i m i t s ' a l l o ur slaves are concentrated, and, w ithin a p ortion of t hem, i rresistible c auses tend inevitably to their further concentration. I n o ne of the states, comprized w ithin those l imits, the slave s tock had at the last census, the superiority i n numbers, whilst i n s everal o thers the enumeration exhibits the two races i n nearly e qual p roportions.


T i m e a lone, which unveils every thing permitted men to see, c an disclose the c onsequences, n ow wrapt in futurity, of the state o f things w h i c h I have slightly touched. B u t , without violating h is p rerogative, we may venture to catch, i n a nticipation, a g limpse o f some o f them. T h e humanity of the slave states of the U n i o n has prompted t hem greatly to meliorate the condition of slaves. T h e y are protected i n a l l instances by just laws, from injury extending to their l ives, a nd i n many, from cruelty applied to their persons. P u b l i c o pinion h as d one e ven m ore t han the laws i n elevating their condition i n the scale of human existence. In this State, as well as i n o thers, they are treated w ith m uch kindness, and abundantly s upplied w ith s ubstantial food o f meat and bread and vegetables, a nd c omfortable clothing, whilst they arc moderately tasked i n l abor. B u t s till t hey are s ubject to many c i v i l d isabilities, and t here is a vast s pace b etween them and the race of freemen. Our l aws continue to regard them as property, and consequently, as i nstruments o f labor, bound to o bey the mandate of others. A s a m ere labourer, the slave feels t hat he toils for his master and not h imself; that the laws do not recognize his capacity to acquire and h old p roperty, which d epends a ltogether upon the pleasure of his p roprietor; and that all the fruits of his exertions are reaped b y o thers. He knows that, whether sick or w e l l , i n times of s carcity o r abundance, his master is bound to provide for him by the a i l p owerful influence of the motive of self interest. H e is generally, t herefore, indifferent to the adverse or prosperous fortunes of his m aster, being contented, i f he can e scape h is displeasure or chast isement, by a careless and slovenly performance of his ditties. T h i s i s the state of the relation of master and slave, prescribed b y the law of its nature and founded in the reason of t hings. T here a re undoubtedly many exceptions, i n which the slave dedicates h imself to his master w ith a z ealous and g enerous d evotion, and t he master to the slave w ith a p arental and affectionate attachment. B ut i t is not my purpose to speak of those p articular though endearing i nstances of m utual r egard, but of the general state of the u n fortunate relation. T h a t l abour is best, i f it can be commanded, i n which the labourer knows that he w i l l d erive the profits of his industry, that his e mployment d epends u pon his diligence, and his reward upon his a ssiduity. H e has then every motive to excite him to exertion and to animate him i n perseverance. H e knows that i f he is treated b adly he can e xchange h is employer for one who w i l l b etter estimate his service, that he does not entirely depend upon another's b eck a nd nod, and that whatever he earns is his, to be distributed b y himself as he pleases, among his wife and children and friends, o r e njoyed b y himself. H e feels, i n a word, that he is a free a gent, w ith r ights and privileges and sensibilities. W herever the option exists to employ, at an equal hire, free o r s lave labour, the former w i l l be dccidedlv preferred, for the reaB


sons a lready assigned. It is more capable, more diligent, more f aithful, a nd, i n every respect, worthy of more confidence. In the l irsi s ettlement of some c ountries, or communities, capital may be unable to command the free labor which it wants, and it may therefore purchase that of slaves. Such was and yet is the condition o f many parts of the U . States. B u t there are others, and they a re annually increasing in extent, in which the labour of freemen c an be commanded at a rate quite as c heap as that of slaves, i n S tates which tolerate slavery. A lthough i n particular States, or parts of States, the increase o f the A f r i c a n p ortion of population would seem to be greater than t hat o f the European stock, this fact is believed to be susceptible o f an explanation, from the operation of c auses o f emigration, w hich w ould not assign to it greater prolific powers. O n the contrary, a l l the enumerations of the p eople o f the U . States sustain c learly the position that, contrasting the whole European race t hroughout the U nion w ith the whole of the A f r i c a n r ace, bond a nd f ree, also throughout the U n i o n , the former m ultiplies f aster than t he latter. A s time elapses, our numbers w i l l a ugment, our deserts b ecome p eopled, and our country w i l l b ecome a s densely p opulated as its a gricultural, m anufacturing and commercial faculties w i l l a dmit. In pro]K>rtion to the density of p opulation a re the supply a nd the w ages o f l abor. T h e demand for labor also increases w ith t he augmentation of numbers, though probably not in the same proportion. A ssuming our present population at twelve m illions, w hen it s hall be increased, as in about t hirty y ears it w i l l b e, to t w e n t j four m illions, we s hall h ave double the amount of available labour t hat we can command at present. A n d there w i l l c onsequently be a g reat though probably not proportionate reduction in the w ages o f l abour. A s the supply of laborers increases, a competition w i l l a rise b etween, not only individuals, but classes for employment. The s uperior qualities which have been attributed to free labor w i l l e nsure for that the preference, wherever the alternative is presented o f engaging free or slave labor, at an equal price. T h i s competition a nd the preference for white labor are believed to be already d iscernable in parts of M a r y l a n d , V i r g i n i a a nd K e n t u c k y , and p robably existed in Pennsylvania and other States north of M a r y land, p rior to the disappearance of slaves from among them. T h e i narch o f the ascendancy of free labor over slave w i l l p roceed f rom t he N orth to the South, gradually entering first the States nearest t o the free region. Its progress would be more r apid, i f it were not i mpeded by. the c heck r esulting from the repugnance of the white m an to work among slaves or where slavery is tolerated. I n p roportion to the multiplication of the descendants of the E u ropean stock, and the c onsequent d iminution of the value of s lave labour, by the general diminution of wages, w i l l t here be an abatement i n the f orce o f motives to rear slaves. T h e master w i l l not find a n adequate indemnity in the price of the adult for the charges of m aintaining a nd bringing up the offspring. H i s c are and attention w i l l r e l a x ; and he w i l l be indifferent about i n -

d u r i n g e xpenses, w hen they are sick, and in providing for their g eneral comfort, when he knows that he w i l l n ot be ultimately c ompensated. There may not be numerous instances of positive v iolation o f the duties of humanity, but every one knows the difference b etween a negligence, which is not c r i m i n a l , a nd a watchful v igilance stimulated by interest, which allows no want to be u nsupplied. T he effect o f this relaxed attention to the offspring w i l l be to reduce the rates of general increase of the slave portion o f our population, whilst that of the other race, not s ubject to the s ame neglect, w i l l i ncrease and f ill up the void. A s till g reater effect, f rom the diminution of the value of labor, w i l l be that of voluntary e mancipations; the master being now anxious to relieve himself f rom a burthen, without profit, by renouncing his right of property. O ne or two facts w i l l i llustrate some o f these principles. P r i o r to the a nnexation of L ouisiana to the United States the supply of slaves f rom A frica w as abundant. T h e price of a dults w as generally about $100, a p rice less than the c ost o f r aising a n infant. T h e n it was b elieved that the climate of that province was unfavorable to the r earing o f n egro c hildren, and comparatively few were raised. A fter the U . States abolished the slave trade, the price of adults r ose v ery considerably, greater attention was consequently bestowed on their children, and now no where is the A f r i c a n female m ore p rolific than she is in L ouisiana, a nd the climate of no one of t he Southern States is supposed to be m ore f avourable to rearing the o ffspring. T h e serfs of R u s s i a possess a m arket value inferior to t hat o f the A f r i c a n slaves of the U . States; a n d ^ l t h o the L o r d i s n ot believed to be bound to provide for the support of his dependent, as the A m e r i c a n master is for his slave, voluntary manumissions of the serf are very frequent, influenced i n sonic d egree n o d oubt by his inconsiderable value. W hat h as tended to sustain the price of slaves i n the U . States h as been, that very fact of the acquisition of L ouisiana, b ut especially the increasing demand for cotton,and the c onsequent i ncrease o f its cultivation. T h e price of cotton, a much m ore e xtensive o bject o f culture than sugar cane, regulates the price of slaves as u n erringly as any one s ubject w hatever is regulated by any standard. A s i t rises in price, they r i s e ; as it f alls, t hey f all. B ut the m ultiplication o f slaves, by n atural c auses, must s oon be much greater t han the increase of the demand for them, to say nothing of the p rogressive decline which has taken place, i n that great Southern s taple, w ithin a few years, and which there is no reason to believe w i l l be permanently arrested. Whenever the demand for t he cultivation of sugar and cotton c omes to be f ully s upplied, the p rice of slaves w i l l b egin to decline, and as that demand cannot p ossibly k eep p ace w ith the supply, the price w ill d ecline m ore a nd m ore. F a r m i n g agriculture cannot sustain i t ; for it is believed t hat n owhere i n the farming portion of the U . S'ftcs would slave l abor be generally employed, i f the proprietor were not tempted to r aise s laves by the high price of the Southern market, which keep* i t up i n his own.

P a r t i a l c auses may retard the decline i n the value of slaves. T h e t endency of slaves is to crowd into those countries or districts, i f n ot o bstructed by the policy of States, where their labor is most profitably e mployed. T h i s is the law of their nature, as it is the genera! l aw o f a ll c apital and labor. T h e slave trade has not yet been effectively stopt in the Island of C uba. W henever it is, as slaves can be there more profitably employed