xt73ff3kwr1k https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt73ff3kwr1k/data/mets.xml Collins, Richard H. 1871  books b02-000000016 English [Privately printed] : [Maysville, Ky.] Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection.  Memorial About Collins' History of Kentucky text Memorial About Collins' History of Kentucky 1871 2002 true xt73ff3kwr1k section xt73ff3kwr1k 























         M E M OR I A L

                ABO UT


COLLINS' HISTORY OF KIENTUCKY.



BY RICHARD H. COLLINS.

    DECEMBER, 1871.

 
This page in the original text is blank.



 









             :MIMOVIIAinL
                          TO THE


GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF KENTUOKY

                 O F 1871-2.

  I seek no apology for addressing you a few earnest words.. My
cause has been thrust before your attention at this time in a two-
fold manner:
  1st. By an anamolous document entitled "Initial Common School
Report of H. A. M. Henderson, S. P. I.," dated November 22, 1871
To the thoughtful courtesy of Rev. Dr. Henderson I am indebted
for a copy, received December 9th.
  2d. By the introduction of a bill in each branch of your body, to
repeal "An Act directing the purchase 01 Collins' Historical Sketch-
es of Kentucky."
  To enable all of you to understand why this is my cause, and
why I now claim your calm consideration of what I am-about to say,
let me begin by stating some facts well known to those of you who
were members of the last Legislature. That body by a unanimous
vote, passed the following tribute to the memory of my Father,
Judge LEWIs COLLINS, of Maysville, Kentucky, who died on the
29th of January, 1870:
  RESOLUTION IN RELATION TO THE DEATH OF JUDGE LEWIS COLLINS, OF MAYS
VILLEX'Y.x APPROVED MARCH 21 1870.-Resolved, by the GeneralAssembly of
the Commonwealth oj Kentucky, That we have heard with deep regret of the
death of Judge LEWIS COLLINS, of Maysville, Kentucky, which has occurred
since the meeting of this General Assembly. He was a native Kentuckian
of great purity of character and enlarged public spirit; associated for a
half century with the press of the State, which he adorned with his patriot.
Ismy, his elevated morals, and his enlightened judgment. He was the author

 
2



of a h1istory of Kentucky, evidencing extended research, and which em-
bodies in a permanent form the history of each county in the State, and
the liesof its distinguished citizens, andl is an invaluable contribution to
the literature and historical knowledge of the State. flis name being thus
perpetually identified with that of his native State, this Getteral Assembly,
from a sense of duty and regard for his memory, expresses this testimonial
of its appreciation of his irreproachable character and valued services.
See Acts, General Assembly of Kentucky, 1869-70, vol. 1. p. 156.
  Prior to this, the entire newspaper press of the State, and many
in other States, in a spontaneous tribute of praise and sympathy,
announced my Father's deathl. OF these, one of the most touching
and grateful to the feelings of his fanily, was the following from
the Lexington (Ky.) Gazette of February 1, 1870
  DEATH OF A VETERLAN.-Judge LEwis COLLINS, of Maysville, author of the
best history of Kentucky. ever published, and a work of intense interest,
which we are sorry to say is out of print, died in this city on Saturday last.
He was for many years editor of the Maysville Eagle, and a writer of great
strength and vigor. He will be best known 'hereafter as author of the work
spoken of, and for this deserves somer mark of respect from the public, and
should have a monument raised to his imernory at the pablic expense, and
should be interred in the State Cemetery at Frankfort. Few who lie in-
terred in that beautiful spot deserve better of the Stiate than he who has
written its history and preserved its traditions in a form that will carry
them to the latest posterity. Judge CoL.UNS had attained an advanced age
(nearly 73 years), and his death was not unexpected.
  In this afflictive dispensation of Providence, it wtS no smnll com-
fort-the highest comfort earth can give-to know that our bereave-
ment was thus regarded as a public bereivement, and that his name
and deeds would live on, and be green in the memory of the good
people of-Kentucky-the lan I of his birth, the hone of his man-
hood, the scene of all his life's labors, his grave.
  The action of your predecessor' LegiMslat re, an1 those generous
individual tributes, started fresh inquiriei all over the State  and
out of the State, too-for the work thus k'ndly alluded to, "CCOL-
LINS' HISTORY OF KENTUCKY." If it were the work that resolu-
tion described, no wonder that the popular mind felt that it was
eminently worth having and worth reading.   Bat all inquiries for it
were fruitless-for not a copy had been printed for more than twen-
ty years, and not money nor Jove could buy what was not any
where for sale. Then came an appeal to me-from        many partial
friends, who knew that I had been associated for years with my
Father as an editor, and had ass sted him in his "History"-to un-
dertake the preparation of a new edition, enlarging it, and bringing

 
3



down to the present the history and statistics'of the State. I
shrank from such an undertaking. It was a great and important,
one-and as delicate as important. The necessity was a felt one, and
the urgency became more urgent. Tihe great State of Kentucky-
the mother of statesmen and heroes-had no connected "History"
of the last twenty-six years; and no CbHistory" at all in book form
now accessible to more than a few thousand of the intelligent minds
among her million-and-a-third of inhabithnts. I owed it to my na-
tive State, I awed it to my Father's memory-they said, and said
again -to take up his work where he had left it off, and add to the
chain of recorded history, the other links of startling but not always
glorious events of which Kentucky and Kentuckians had been at
once the stage and the actors. If it was my -duty, asithey insisted
it was-if the State and the people claimed the service, and gener-
ously offered the honor, as they assured me-hundreds will bear
witness that the duty sought me and the service was claimted at my
hands. I did not seek either, but quietly repelled both. Only
after such assurances of confidence and regard and encouragement,
as were grateful beyond measures. to my feelings, did I consent to
undertake the responsible task that is now almost complete.
  But this pleasing sense of duty begun was as a dream compared
to the reality. I might labor, and gather, and write, but who would
publishg Echo answered, who! No publisher offered; those whom
I approached drew back, and refused me. In despair I came at last
to Frankfort, in February, 1871, to lay the case before the General
Assembly. Senators and Representatives gave me a respectful hear-
ing. Those not already familiar with my Father's book examined it
carefully, and listened kindly and encouragingly to my plan of enlarg-
ing it. Those to whom that book had been as a household word for
a quarter of a century lent me their prompt and cheerful support.
They felt the power and the beauty of that sublime thought-so
grandly expressed by the old Swiss historian-that GOD 8 IN His
TORY. God, as he is in Nature, could be seen everywhere, in all
growth and in all life-could be felt in the breeze that fans us, and
heard in the thunder that bids us be still in His presence. But
how could He be read in history, if the history be unwritten How
could the citizen know His dealings with the State, if those dealings
be unrecorded  How could the children learn that, which their
fathers even had not the means of knowing, It was not wise to
withhold from the 386,962 children of school age-now already in-
creased to 405,719-the knowledge of. h eir State, its founders, its

 
4



builders, its heroes, its statesmen, its wise men, its good men, their
labors and toils and sufferings for the general good, and their par-
ticipation in the common glory and success. I offered to supply
this felt want in the only practical way. But the expense was be-
yond individual means and faith. They united with me in a plan
which would bridge over the otherwise insuperable barrier, contract-
ing with me to supply to the children of the State, and through
them incidentally to their parents and the loved pnes at home
beyond school age, the very kind of knowledge which was most inte-
resting of all and least accessible of all-the History of the State of
Kentucky. They enacted the law some of you now seek to repeal,
and of which the Superintendent of Public Instruction seems to think
it his sacred duty to thwart the operation. The chosen Representa-
tives of the State, of all the people of the State-by the overwhelm-
ing vote in the Senate of 25 in favor and only 6 against, and in the
House of 53 in favor and only 18 against-deemed it the part of
wisdom to preserve the recorded history of the State, and encourage
its study as part. of the common school education of the State.
You are asked to go back upon Tliis honorable record-to continue
in ignorance of her history all the citizens of this proud old State,
young and old alike-to violate the sanctity of the State contract,
and repudiate an obligation deliberately entered into with one of
your own citizens. Will you do it Can you afford to do it
Does the interest of the State and the honor of the State demand it
of you
  On the 16th of November last, I was startled-nay, astounded-
by receiving the letter of Rev. Dr. Henderson, which he publishes
in full on page 26 of his "Initial Report." /-To this letter I imme-
diately replied, as follows:

                               COVINGTON, Ky., Nov. 16, 1871.
Rev. H. A. M. Henderson, D. D., Superintendent Public Instruction,
     Frankf/rt, Ky.
  DEAR SIR: I thank you for the courtesy and candor and moral
courage of your astounding communication of INov. 14th, just
received, for I think it manifests all these qualities. But I can not
thank you for your want of fairness in deciding against me, unheard
and ex parte, a matter of vital importance to me, and to a work of
great public interest. I trust I may thank you for prudence in
keeping to yourself, for the present, your determination; as a publi
cation of it, even as a rumoi, will injure me seriously-a matter I

 
                                5

am confident you would not desire to do, nor intentionally do. I
think I have a right to ask this, as well as to ask you to revise or
review 8r reconsider your determination, and to' conform your
actions to the requirements of the law itself.
  As you are not a lawyer, and, in your sacred calling as a Minis-
ter of Christ, have not the reputation of a controversialist, I am
am sure you are not a quibbler; but allow me in all respect and in
no spirit of unkindness, to say that, from your letter, and from the
disposition of some persons you have met who are full of unreason-
ing and unforgiving prejudice against my book and against me, I
fear you have come to adopt the quibble of some second or third-
rate lawyer, instead of the plain; practical and positive meaning of
the law itself as seen in its language and in the history of its pas-
sage.
  Allow me to call your attention to it briefly:
  On the 1st day of March, the bill-which had been reported by
the Committee on Education, Feb. 28th, favorably (seven for and
one against)-was taken up for further consideration [see House
Journal, pp. 558, 561]. Mr. Adams offered an amendment, which
was subsequently adopted, and was incorporated as part of the bill
as it passed. Mr. Hindman moved a substitute, which lookedto
the very thing of which you speak, i. e. that all should vote on it,
and the book should not be purchased at all except for those voting
favorably.
  This substitute was ably discussed, but was voted down by the
extraordinary vote of seven for it and sixty-four against it. So
that the idea was condemned, of making it depend upon, a vote of the
people. My Father's history, of which I had three copies there,
was shown to and examined more or less by every man, Representa-
tive and Senator, who was present and voted upon the bill. They
passed the bill upon their confidence in the merits of that book,
and their faith that I would enlarge and improve it as contracted
for in the bill, and their conviction that some such book was needed
and ought to be furnished to the children of the State.
  Both Houses passed the bill, and made, the contract with me, upon
their own judgment of the excellence and desirability of the thing
not upon the judgment of the people, who (with very few exceptions)
could not possibly know anything of the contents or character of
the book itself. The amendment allowing the people to take a vote
if they chose, when voting as provided by the sclool law, for
Trustees, was passed at the instance of several gentlemen who said

 



they preferred having some provision inserted which would enabi e
them to say to their constituents, "go and vote againstit if you
don't want it."
  As for the time allowed, or not allowed the regular school election
day, then cloae at hand, was selected, so that I might know whether
I could go on with the book or not; the object, in part, being to
give me the credit to publish the book (which would cost over 10,-
000 to publish the first copy.) Could I wait until April, 1872 or
1873, until careless and dilatory trustees chose to give notice to
their school districts  The tirh3 contemplated was named in the
bill; not left to inference, or to be fixed by any contingency, but
settled at once, as the first Saturday in April, 1871. The district
might vote not to purchase the book; and if they did so, the Super-
intendent's duty was stated; he was not to buy for those so voting,
but for all others he is "directed to purchase," etc.
  As early as the 5th of April, 1871, by long communications in
the Louisville Courier-Journal and otherwise, attempts were made
to induce or Adrive your predecessor to just the same course you
have taken-i. e. torefuse to receive my book when tendered, or to
certify to the Auditor so that I could get my pay for them. He
was alarmed by such bullying, and wrote warning me that it might
not be prudent for me to go on, etc. He thus gave me a "h hearing,"
or notice of what be might feel bound to do-beJore deciding. Ile
went on to submit the constitutionality of the law to the legal ad-
viser of the Office and the State, who decided the law in my favor.
Mir. Smith, while always treating me courteously and politely, as
you have done-gave every reasonable encouragement to have the
constitutionality and legality of the law tested. His final deter-
mination I learned a few days ago, from his last printed Common
School Report-which was not sent to me until I applied by letter
to your worthy clerk, Mr. Phil. F. Brown-[see p. 99 of that re-
port.]  It say4, "No one person has felt that he has a personal in-
terest in the matter sufficient to warrant him in getting out an in-
junction, and giving bond and security for damages, etc., and
incurring the expense of a formidable law-suit."  I infer from the
entire statement of that report-from pp. 91 to 99-that having
exhausted every legal and reasonable means of gratifying the dis-
satisfied and grumbling, who were pulling him first one way and
then another, he had settled down to the conviction, that he would
comply with the direction of the law and purchase from me as per
contract.

 



  I do hope you will see it your duty to do as directed inwthe law
see that the book is made up and bound according to contract, and
then purchase, and certify to the Auditor. Your duty, as ldid doWn
therein, is plain and unmistakable. I should not suppose you could
afford to make yourself responsible in damages to me-by refusing
to do what the Legislature has made it your duty to do. Let others
give the bond and make themselves responsible, by suing out an in-
junction to prevent your doing what the law "Idirects" you to do.
  But whether you reconsider your determination or not-you have
given me full warning, and need not give the matter publicity-
thereby injuring me seriously in addition to the other. If you re-
main unchanged as to your duty, there is nothing more required of
you until I deliver the books to you, some two or three months
hence. I have already spent and contracted to spend over fiftoen
thousand dollars-so that you see your refusal to take my books
will make a serious question of damages. It is not reasonable that
I should be made to lose, when the law is on my side ;- and it is
quite unlikely that I will quietly submit, when my personal honor,
business integrity, and good faith to the public are all at stake.
   I will call and see you, the first time I come to, Frankfort, and
will be pleased to hear from you by letter. Bat do keep the whole
matter to ourselves, if possible to oblige me.
              Very Respectfully Yours,
                                     RICHARD H. COLLINS.


   P. S.-It has occurred to me, since writing the foregoing, that
you probably mistake the meaning or effect of the words 'shall
notify .... previous to thefirst Saturday in April, 1871."  I re-
spectfully suggest to you that the words there indicate a duty, but
make no penalty; whereas, you insist on it that, by inference, a tre-
mendous penalty is attached and results, viz.: the defeat of the
whole effect and object of the bill, and the refusal to accept and
pay for my books, because certain Common School Commissioners
failed, or neglected, or did not get notice in time, to give notice to
the trustees.
   Can you, for one minute, suppose the Legislature intended, to put
 upon me the penalty of the Commissioners' neglect or inability to
 do their duty  When that amendment was appendced-[remember
 the Hindman substitute, requiring the vote, was already voted down
 by 64 to 7, (I am sorry the clerk did not record the vote,) and the
 Adams amendment was adopted by 57 to 14, which made the vote

 
8



upon it optional]-it was only the first of March, and time was sup-
posed to be allowed of OVER FIVE WEEKS!
  It so happened, being near the close of the session, that it could
not be reached in the Senate for a week, when it passed by 25 to 6,
nearly a four-fifths majority (it having passed the House by a three-
fourths majority-53 to 18).
  I paid the enrolling clerks to work extra (out of time), so as to
get the bill enrolled and before the Governor at the earliest hour
possible. Most unexpectedly to me-quite as much so as your letter
now before me, declining to receive the books-the Governor did
not sign the bill; but, out of great deference to the remarkable
vote in favor of the bill in each House, held it the constitutional
time, and let it become a law without his signature. This delayed
it (no action of mine, please remember) until the 21st. I was ad-
vised of it by telegraph, and went immediately to Frankfort, by
riding all night, and on the 22d got the Superintendent (Smith) to
write his circular, and took it myself to the printer.
   Thus I acted in perfect good faith throughout, although more than
 one suggested to me that it might be to my interest not to hurry off
 those circulars. I preferred to do right, even if the result should
 disappoint all my expectations.
   But I did not expect you to attempt to check me upon the grounds
you assign-putting upon me a penalty the law did not contemplate
-and that by a total subversion of the letter of the law and total
misapprehension of its spirit, and an exercise of power never granted
and not intended to be granted to you. The Superintendent's duty
was to notify, -and' he did notify promptly. The Commissioners'
duty was to notify, which a few of them did, promptly, and by the
bitterness of a few persons (among them some Radicals, who had
made their threats to do it), carried against me a vote, because the
matter was never understood, but misrepresented systematically (as
J I will abundantly prove to you when I see you).
   And now you propose to go outside of, and beyond, the law, and
 make a meaning for it, and prescribe a duty for yourself, which the
 law, and those who made it, never contemplated. You have no right
 to re/use to receive my book, except for those districts which actually
 voted against and so certified. That was the only limit to my fur-
 nirshing one copy Jor each district, and the law fixed it.
    Five hundred and sixty-six (566) districts, according to the let-
 ter and spirit of the law, declined to take my book, and Superin-
 tendent Smith has so published, and correctly.  Your duty now is

 
9



to see that I make the books according to contract, and then CeXtify
the number delivered.
  You may cause me heavy loss; but,       qnp-like, by involving
yourself.  If you do it, you will do it conscientioasly, believing it
your duty, I know; but it will none the less inv1v e us both in se-
rious trouble and loss.
  I trust and pray you will think of it, long and advisedly and
praywrfully; and then NOT DO IT.
                                                           R. H.C.

  As the foundation of some comments I propose to submit, I ask
you to read and inwardly digest the following truths very forcibly
and beautifully expressed by Rev. Dr. Henderson, selected from
pages 13, 14, and 15 of his "Initial Report:"

  "In this country every man is a sovereign, and if he parts with any
portion of the royalty of his citizenship, it is to a representative chosen by
the exercise of his own franchise.       Unless those intrusted with
the power of the ballot thoroughly understand these underlying objects of
good government, and conscientiously exercise this sacred prerogative, the
interests of society are constantly imperilled by ignorant and reckless ma-
jorities. We should elevate men for our political protection. An ignorant
majority is as capable of the commission of wrong as a despotic Czar. Far
better protection of the interests of democratic institutions is the universal
education of the mind and the heart of the people, than serried battalions,
forts of masonry, and iron-clad fleets. . . . . An application for the
abridgment of the benefits, or for the repeal of common schools, is so far
an application for the dismemberment and reorganization of the civil order
of the State.           This great institution of public schools is not only
a part of the State, but is imperiously wanted as such for the common
training of so many classes and conditions of people. Nothing is so much
required in a Republican Government as a homogeneous people. .
No child can be said to be well trained-especially no male child-who has
not met the people as they are-above and below him, in the seatings,
plays, and studies of the common school. Without this, he can never be a
fully qualified citizen, or prepared to act his part wisely as a citizen...
Without common schools made absolutely free-so that there is no bar to
their benefits to any-the disadvantage falls both ways in about equal de-
grees [to the State, and to the classes themselves.]"
   Article 6, section 9, of the Common School Law, approved March
 21, 1870, says:
   "It shall be the duty of the Trustees to invite and- encourage all the in-
 digentwhite children in the district to attend the school, and to inform
 them and their parents that such is their right, for which the State pay8. . .
 No arrangement shall be made for tbe benefit of some individuals of this
 description to the exclusion of any others."

 
10



    The " representatives chosen by the exercise of the franchise of
  the sovereigns "-as IDr. Henderson expresses it--enacted   a
               zn     D.1              xpese             e7 lad
  four-fifths fn1jority vote in the Senate, and a three-fourths majority
  vote in the House, the law which directs Dr. Henderson to pur-
  chase, examine and receive my books; but this law Dr. Jenderson
  says he will not obey.
    He says, "the interests of society are constantly imperilled by
  ignorant and reckless majorities: " and yet he is determined to
  force another vote (when it is not intended by law) by those who
  are ignorant of what they would be voting on, and can not possibly
  judge of, discriminatingly, unless they could personally examine my
  Father's book."
    He says, and says most truly, that "the universal education of
 the mind and the heart of the people, is far better protection of the
 interests of democratic institutions, than serried battalions, forts of
 masonry, and iron-clad fleets.' He has served in "serried bat-
 talions " and been a brave and gallant soldier, and speaks whereof
 he knows--for the military is now imperilling the very existence of
 democratic institutions. Why, then, does he plant his gallant body
 across the path, and say in thunder tones that the children and the
 people shall not be educated in the knowledge of their State, its
 history, and the lives and examples of its great and good men--
 (of whom several hundred biographies will be contained in my
 book)--unless I march over his dead body " by a mandamus from
 the proper court, or by a supplementary act of the Legislature."
   He argues beautifully for "' the great institution of public schools
as not only a part of the State, but as imperiously wanted for the
common training ;" and yet puts his foot down upon the only book
the representatives of the State, in Legislature assembled, and with
remarkable unanimity, have thought to be so much needed by the
public schools in addition to what they already have, as to be put
into their hands by legislative enactment. They have solemnly de-
clared that the 405,71T children of school age must be taught the
historv of their native State, and have provided for a book edited
and written by a native of the State, whose interests and sympathies
are thoroughly identified with the people of the State. And yet
Dr. Henderson calls it " a wanton waste of the school revenues" to
buy, it, and "  totally useless to common schools" to attempt to teach
them the history of the State out of such a book ! I fear thie Doc-
tor has written with more earnestness than discretion.
  The Doctor wants "cnmcn schools made absolutely free, with

 
11



no bar to their benefits to any ;" and the common school law says it
is "the right of all [indigent] children to attend school, for which
the State pays." The law to purchase Collins' Kentucky proceeds
upon this broad and equal principle-and the State has contracted
wit-h me for the book, pays for it, and sends it to all the children of
the public schools (one for each school), except to such- as have al-
ready, by solemn vote, declared they would not have it.
  I think I have proved, out of his own mouth, that Dr. Hender-
son-in all the yearnings of his eloquent, patriotic and gifted soul-
is with me in the desire and the intention to do all he can for the
intellectual advancement of the young people of Kentucky; and I
do not doubt that that includes a knowledge of their own State. I
had hoped for some valuable suggestions from him, in extending
my book, so as to make it as useful as possiblc. I yet hope for his
hearty co-operation in getting the book into every common school,
-that the youth may become familiar with the history of their native
State, emulate the noble example of its greatest and best men, and,
learning to be proud of the old Commonwealth, may all the more
surely, and in very trial, prove to be true to it.

  As to the proposed repeal of the law, I cannot think that many
members of the Legislature seriously entertain such a thought. The
Constitution of the United States says: "No State shall pass any
law impairing the obligation of contracts." The State of Kentucky
has had three constitutions- the first formed in 1792 , the second in
179-', and the present one in 1850. Each of these constitutions,
under the Declaration of Rights, has a section which says-a great
right expressed in only seven words: " No law impairing contracts
shall be made."  The Court of Appeals has decided that the " Leg-
islature has not thepower to alter or change the vested rights acquired
by the corporators under a charter, without their consent." Styge vs.
Dillard, 15 Ben Monroe, 359. Also: "Retrospective legislation,
where it affects or impairs the obligation of a contract, is prohibi'ed,
by the Constitutions of the United States and of the State of Ken-
tucky."  hIenderson  Nashville Railroad vs. Dickerson, 17 Ben
Monroe, -176.
  Now, under my contract with the State of Kentucky, as expressed
in the "Act directing the purchase of Collins' Historical Sketches
of Kentucky," I have been laboring constantly, since the passage of
the Act-giving to it my whole time, the entire time and valuable as-
sistance of my two daughters and one son; and the temporary labor

 




12



of several hundred intelligent (among them some of the very ablest
and greatest) citizens of the State, in supplying me information
needed in the preparation of what ought to be, and I am confident
will be, a work of great public value. Besides this, I have actually
expended, and made contracts and arrangements to expend, fully
twenty thousand dollars in the preparation and execution of this great
work. If the State pays me back, for the books I deliver to her,
so much money as I shall have actually expended in money and
values, it will be as much as I ever contemplated. If I ever get paid
for my labor and trouble, it will be by.the generous appreciation of
my fellow-citizens who may purchase the book at private sale.
  These are my vested rights, gentlemen. I know I am laboring in
a noble cause, and am doing a great work. I am trying to so do it
that you and every true Kentuckian will be prouder than ever of
his State, and of her recorded history; and will think well of me as
one of her historians. [My eyesight is fast failing me, and I may yet
be known as the blind historian of Kentucky.] I am confident that,
as in the case of my lamented father, after my death I will be held
in grateful remembrance. But it will be much npire pleasant to
have your earnest co-operation and commendation while I live, and
now when I need it. My work is more than four-fifths done. Be-
fore the close of this session of the Legislature, I expect to show
you that I have kept faith with the State-as I expect the State to
keep faith with me. It would be an honorable close to my history,
to record that-in all her Legislative record of eighty years-no
stain of broken faith, no reproach of violated public contract, was
done or suffered; but a very mournful and painful duty to record
that it was left for the eightieth year of her existence as a State to
inaugurate an era of broken State faith and the unsanctity of State
contracts. And for what, and in what About the matter of pub-
lishing a history of her hitherto honorable career as a State. Who
is willing to inaugurate such a day of State dishonor "If any,
speak -for him have I offended,!
  Better, far better, direct, by an amended act, if you think it
necessary, the Superintendent of Public Instruction to examine and
purchase my books, and certify to the Auditor as the law now di-
rects.  Better still for thechildren of the State, if in addition to
the present law, the Legislature would contract with me for a
.School History of the State, so as to furnish it at the lowest possi-
ble price, to, be paid for by them, and comprise part of the course
of study in-every common school.

 




13



  I hand you herewith a few pages'from my book-printed at Ad-
vance Sheets-showing the population of the State, and of its towns
and cities, so far as given in each Census Report since 1790; the
latitude and longitude of all the principal towns and cities ; sketch
of public education in the State; and much other interesting in-
formation.
  The State Library was burned in 1825, when the State House
was burned, and many public documents thus destroyed when the
Public Offiees were.burned, a few years ago. I have traveled over
much of the State, and have bought or borrowed many volumes to
enable me to supply what these fires consumed-much State infor-
mation and statistics contained only in those books. It would be
well for the State to help me obtain a complete set, to be returned
to the State Library in a few weeks, as soon as my labors are over.
                Very Respectfully,
                                    RICHARD H. COLLINS.



  From Hon.. JOHN W. STEVENSON, U. S. Senator, and late Gov-
ernor of Kentucky:
                      STATE O0 KENTUCKY, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,