xt74mw289b5b https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt74mw289b5b/data/mets.xml Allan, Chilton, 1786-1858. 1835 books b92-155-29772423 English Printed by Jonathan Elliot, : Washington, D.C. : Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. United States Politics and government 1829-1837. United States Officials and employees Salaries, etc. Circular letter / of Chilton Allan to his constituents in the congressional district composed of the counties of Franklin, Woodford, Fayette & Clarke [sic] in the state of Kentucky. text Circular letter / of Chilton Allan to his constituents in the congressional district composed of the counties of Franklin, Woodford, Fayette & Clarke [sic] in the state of Kentucky. 1835 2002 true xt74mw289b5b section xt74mw289b5b
UIIICIULAU Lg ETTER
hW
C H I L T O N
ALL A NI
;a.r0o 0iK 001.0tfturtrilts
In the Congressional District
COMPOSED OF THE COUNTIES
o0
PR4.NKIiLV WYOODFORD, Fr2YE TTE, 6 CLIRRP,
IN THE STATE Of
KENTUCKY.
Wr-1SSIING TON.
Ul"ZD BY JONATIIAN ZLL10TO PENN. AVTERN
1835.
This page in the original text is blank.
CIRCULAR LETTER
OF
CHILTON ALLAN1
TO HIS CONSrITURNTS.
Voasqlingfton City, Telb. 2(1; 1835.
Fellow Citizens:
In the tranquil seasons of regular government, the circular of a
public servant, to his constituents, is, for the most part, merely do-
seriptive of the common current of legislation, and the execution of
the laws. But the period, during which it has been moy lot to servo
you in Congress, has been distinguished by a succeSssion of extraor-
diniary events, that have shaken the pillars in the temple of your li-
betty, to their deepest foundations. In one state nullification rose tip
in the habiliments of peace, and beingr unopposed, even by remon-
strance, succeeded in striking down the laws, and treaties, and judi-
cial power of the United States. In another state, we saw the mon-
ster nullification buckling on its hostile armor, preparing to light the
torch of civil discord, and to oppose forcible resistance to the execu-
don of the laws. At other times we have beheld the grathering flood
of federal power, rising high above, and spreading wide over the
embankinents of the constitution.
These momentous events have thrown us back upon first princi-
plies, and made it our duty to resurvey the partitions and boundaries
of authority.
The two opposite tendencies in our governments, of anarchy among
teo members, and tyranny in the head, were early seen by our sagas-
cious statesmen, and divided the people into the two great political
parties, who have been conflicting ever since the formation of the
constitutiorn. Those who most dreaded anarchy, and the dissolution
of the confederacy, sought In liberal constructions of the constitu-
tion, powers with which to make the federal arm sufficiently mighty
O guarantee public order, and the integrity of the union. Those
who most feared the despotism of the central power, made-eiforts,
by strict and literal constructions of the fundamental law, so to pro
it down, as to leave the states in all the plenitude of tinrest;tsIetd
sovereignty. The opposing parties, each looking at lbut one side of
the question, as parties are ever wont to do, have proceeded to dan-
gerous extremes. Experience has fully proven that these two oppo-
site tendencies do really appertain to our system of government, and
that the consummation of either would be equally fatal to American
liberty. On subjects so grave and important, so identified with
the liberty of the people, I have endeavored to lay aside party
spirit. 'My business is with principles; it is no part of my purpose
either to praise or censure any party, or any man. I propose to look
into our constitution and laws for the errors which lie at the bottom
of the mischief, and point out the new guarantees we should take for
thle liberty of our children, in seasonable reforms. For while
powers, dangerous to liberty, are delegated to rulers, it were worse
Chan childish to imagine they Will not be exerted by whoever may
happen to be in the ascendant. Enlightened freemen repose upon good
fixed principles, and not upon the forbearance of rulers to bring bad
ones into action. That the powei of the Federal Government has
been extending itself from its formation up to this time, is a fact
about which there is no dissenting voice. The great fundamental
error which has facilitated this march of federal dominion, was
committed in the year 17,89. It was the unfortunate and fatal con-
struction, that the officers of the American republic hold their places
at the will of the Executive. This forced construction-I say con.
structien, for the power to remove officers is not delegated in any
express grant of the constitution, has given our government an antV-
republican tendency. It has made the officers independent of the
people, and destroyed responsibility, which is the principle upon
which our whole system rests. It has converted the servants of the
people into the agents of the President. They are no longer the
riniuisters of the law, but are bound to do their ofEfee according to his
commands. The union of the appointiwgyand.removing power in
the hands of one man, is the key stone in the arch of arbitrary go-
vernment throughout the world. It is the hold of this power that
maintains Louis Pbilippe on the Throne of France. It is the pos-
session of this power that enables the Emperor of Russia to give law
to forty millions of people. It is the power to appoint and remove
the officers of his kingdcm, that enables the King of England al-
ways to command a majority of the representatives oI the people hi
the House of Commons. The Commons vote him money, and with
the use of money in all the forms of patronage, hie contrives to cof-
trol the ballot box, and thereby secures the re-election of his friends.
Thbis it nothing but Ciesar's principle in another form. Ile said
withz money lie could get men, and with men he could get MorN
money By tins purchase of men with mcney and money with
5
men, Caesar was enabled to conquer the world. And it is by pre-
cisely the same principle that the great mass of the human race has
ever been held in slavery by their rulers. Looking below the out-
ward forms, and comir!g to the springs and principles that propel the
political machine, the appointing and removing power is the lever by
which the strength of the few has every where overcome the
strength of the many. The union of those powers in a single hand
is the (leep and broad foundation of a privileged order-the founda-
tion of a distinct interest between the officers and the people-be-
tween the governors and the governed. The people have an interest
that the government should be cheap, but those who are indepen-
dent of the people, and live upon the Treasury, have an interest that
it should be extravagant. The people have an interest to have a
President with limited and defined powers, but it is the interest of
the officers dependant on his will, that the power which dispenses
favors among them, should be boundless, for the more it is aug-
mented, the more they hope to share in its benefits and bounties.
We shall see here what has been seen every where, the renewal of
the old contest between the rulers and the people. What is the
history of nations but a history of the oppression of rulers, and the
sufferin(r and resistance of the people. Over the face of the whole
earth, in all ages, we behold these twro separate interests in pE rpetual
conflict. Whether it be possible so to divide power between govern-
ment and people, as to guarantee public order and public liberty, is
an undecided question-I say undecided, because no nation that has
ever existed under the sun, has been able permanently t-) preserve
its liberties from the encroachments of the power of its own go-
verninent.
If freedom and slavery be compared in regard to numbers, time
and place, it will be found that freedom has not been enjoyed by one
in a hundred of the human family: that its residence opon earth has
been but a few centuries, and confined to but few countries. In the
contest between the few and the many, the few in the long run have
every where triumphed over the many. Under this view of the
subject shall wve pass heedlessly forward! Shall we shut our eyes,
and prematurely rush into the common grave in which has been bu.
ried the liberty of nations! Shall we close our ears to the distant
elanking of the chains of slavery, and quietly wait until the rivets
are put through and fastened Shall we lay the flattering unction
to our souls, that we have a grant from heaven, that our liberty shall
be rescued from the common doom, and made immortal Or rather
shall we not act upon the solemn conviction, that the duration of
onr independence does depend upou the vigilance and wisdom with
which we guard it! Itseems difficult, at first view, how the few
6
can contrive, under the forms of ourconstitution. to govern the many.
A few illustrations will make it plain. It will not be many years be-
fore there will be a hundred thousand federal officers in the republic.
Now the great body of the people at their homes, on their farms, and
in their work shops, riot being eye-witnesses, have to judge of the
men and measures of theirigovernment upon evidence. These hun-
dred thousand officers will be interested witnesses, and will go
among the people, and give volunry evidence that all their chief
does is right and proper.
This army of officers all holding their places by one will, all
having one interest, being all moved by one command, can easily by
their united power and influence, crush any one who dares to raise
his voice il behalf of the people, and who would tell them the truth,
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. Who could stand before
the systematic attacks and slanders, and accusations, of legions of
interested accusers, dispersed over the whole land, seconded and
supported by a press, fed from the same crib, and acting by the
same command
In the warfare th'it will be carried on by the rulers, against the
people, one primary object will be to bunt down and destroy, and
thrust out of their way, all pnblic men who are advocates of popu-
lar rights. Every true patriot will be held up to public scorn as
the vilest culprit. In the history of the machinations, and stratagems
of the officers of government to increase their own emoluments, and
perpetuate their own power, it is no new expedient to put the friends
of the people out of their way. The history of the Grecian Tepub-
lics, is filled with examples, which disgrace almost every page of the
fallof the purest patriots under the fraud and violence of the enemies of
liberty. They banished Aristides, murdered Phocion, and imp-rison-
ed Miltiades. When Mark Anthony, Octavius, and Lepidus, were
about to divide the Roman empire, and distroy the liberties of their
country, their first step was to make out lists of the statesmen, and
patriots, (among whom was Cicero,) who must first be put to death.
The manners of the world have changed; then they made short
work of it, by taking heads off. Now they have to arrive at their
object, by a slower process, by false accusations; supported by
interested witnesses. The public press which ought to be the
ally of liberty, will be bought over by the hundreds of thousands
of dollars of governmerital patronage, and will give the same in-
terested testimony.
This powerful league, in possession of the government, and public
treasure, and whose influence extends to every house in the nation,
and who are united for the purpose of living in ease and splendor, upon
he sweat of the poor man's face; will profess all the while to be the
7
-exclusive and devoted friends of the people, and thus the confiding
community will be deceived, and under this deception vote for the
friends of usurpation. It is thus that the few, contrive to govern
the many. Thus it is that under the forms of a free constitution,
they will commence their conquests upon the public liberty. The
power of' removal is the political lion in our system-a lion that
long slept, but when aroused from his slumber, has laid every bar
tier prostrate that was placed around him. In the pure days of the
republic,and in the simplicity of his heart, Mr Madison thought that
'the power of impeachment would be a sufficient check upon the re-
moving power. The power of impeachment against the appointing and
Temoving power-against the power that has the dispensation of
the honors and treasure of the nation, experience has fully shewn
'would be just about as efficient as would the strength of the wren
or snow bird to resist the force of the eagle. This power is a Samp-
son, that all of the constitutional ropes and withes cannot bind, and
unless his locks be speedily clipped, he will lay hold of the pillars
of the temtple, and heave our liberties into ruins.
The veto power, and the privilege of going 'into the halls of
Congress with the appointing power in his hands, will sooner or
Jater place the legislative power at the feet of the Executive. Ge-
neral Jackson did not express the danger too strongly, when lie said
that so long as the President retained this power, that corruption
would be the order of the day. If it shall be impossible to impress
the country with a sense of the impending dangers; if these funda-
mental errors, which experience has developed in our system, shall
be suffered to come to maturity, many of the present generation may
live to see the last days of the republic. But if the sanctity of le-
gislation shall be secured from Executive invasion, and the officers
-of the land shall be made responsible to the people by a timely
reform, the vessel of state will be righted, and be restored to
its republican tack. The popular authority, in the enaction of laws
for the common good will be revived, and the representative prin-
ciple again exalted.
I say nothing of many other abuses, for they are the consequen-
,ces of those already pointed out. The principle that tihe officers of
the Republic are the President's servants and dependant on his will,
necessarily subverts the power of the people, and places the public
treasure, the legislative, and judicial power in his hands. To sup-
pose that the people can retain their power over their government
with this principle at the bottom of it, is just as rational as it would
be to believe that animal life could lie sustained without vital air.-
The vital principle in a republic, is the sempoexibility of public func-
tionaries to the people. Destroy the dependence of the publdc offi-
1
test upon tfie people and their power is gone, and the republic is at
an end, except the name.
To restore the power of' the states and the people, it is necessary
that the representatives of the states should have the s'ame share itr
removals that they have in appointments.
The introduction of the representative principle is all that bas
elevated, distinguished, and marie securethe modern edifice of liber-
ty above the rude andl clumsy structures- of antiquity. It Is to thiTs
representative principle that freemen must clingf for safety. But
how is this principle to be preservedl by no other mcans than by
intelligence and justice, in the appointing and removing power.-
The people, and the executive, bring their power to bear on the go-
vernment in the selection and removal of public functionaries. And
here is the foundation of the maxim, that a republric carn exist only
in a [ation where fnteTligence and virtue have the ascegdency.
But if in judging of the conduct of representatives, no regard is
had' to justice; ifno regard is had to the manner in which they havt
discharged their duty; the strong incentive to upright conduct is tax
ken away, and the value of the representative principle destroyed.
Behold one result of -this stupendous and all enguiphi'g power of
removal, as displayeJ in the Post Office department! I allude not
to its adruin;tration by any particular individual, birt to the princi-
ples upon which it is organized. Its operations extending from the
centre, to every part of the circumference of the republic with the
rapidity of the winds. In the possession of the political, cornmer-
cial, and social correspondence of the whole country; employing'
the services of' over thirty thousand men, all guided by, and
dependant on, one irresponsible man, it is the most potent, and will
become in the hands of any party, the most dlangerous political en-
gine in the world.
But there are other reasons why executive power sl.could be reduced
to dimensions compatible with liberty. In proportion as this power
shall expand and tower above restraint, it will become more sedueo-
tive in the eyes of vaulting ambition; and the danger will be increas-
ed that our liberty will perish under the blows of rival aspirants
for its attainment.
Why have all writers agreed, than an elective mcmnareby was the
worst of all the forms of' government It is because the prize is too
hiah, too temptingr, for the weakness of human nature. Stuch elec-
tions have ever degenerated into corruption and violence, beo.
cause, the aspirants for power, like Macbeth, were willing to sell
their soul s for a crown.
I shall not divert your attention by any allusion to ordinary legis.
lation; for why should you pause-to brush away the. dust, or sweep
9
down the cobwebs infl the apartments of the political mansion; when
erery effort should be directed to repair the breaches in the foundation,
The march of federal power has displayed itself, also in the mul-
tiplication of federal officers, and in the continual increase of the
expenses of the government.
The following table will shew the annual progressive increase in
the public expenditures from the year 1791 to 1834, inclusive.
1791 - 7,207,539 1806 - 15,070,993 1821 - 19,090,57S
1 79 2 - 9,141,569 1807 - 11,292,292 1 5n - 17,676,59 2
1793 - 7,529,375 1803 - 16,76;,584 1823 - 15,314,171
1794 - 9,302,124 1809 - 13,867,225 1824 - 31,893,538
1795 - 10,435.(069 1810 - la',3J9,986 1825 - 2.3,585,804
1796 _ 8,367,776 1811 - 13,601,808 1826 - 24, 103,39S
1797 - 8,626,01,2 181 - 2i2,279,1I'1 1 827 - 2,2,656,764
1798 - 8,619,517 I183 - 3949g,512U0 18 - 2.5,459,479
1799 - 11,07T,043 181A - 38,028,as0 1829 - 25,044,35 8
1800 - 11,989,7 39 1815 . 39,582,493 18.30 - 24,S85,281
1801 - 12,27;3,376 1816 - 48,t,4S [s8t - 3o,0o88,446
1802 - 1i,276,84, I817 - 4o,s87.rji1 1832 - 34,356,608
1803 - 11,,25,983 18183 35,101,873 I1833 - 24,257,298
1804 - 12,624,646 1819 - 24,004,199 1834 - 25,591,390
1805 - 13,727,114 1 .) 21,7630,2 I
I voted last year for a reduction in the salaiies of the public
officers, to the estimated amount of eight hundred thousand dollars.
And I voted this year against a proposed increase of salaries to the
amount of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
My convictions of duty in relation to the reduction of the expenses of
the government do not arise so much from considerations connected
with economy, as from those relating to the power of the govern-
ment and the liberty of the people. However important the dis-
bursement of the large revenues, of the republic, may be in other
respects, it is more so, as a question of powver. The amount of this
central power, depends on the number of offices, and the amount
of salaries in its gift, twenty thousand offices worth five millions,
would confer just half as, much power, as forty thousand woith
ten millions.
I am, therefore, for a large reduction in the expenses of the go-
vernment, for the purpose of lopping away its redundant power, and
to elevate the authority and influence of the people.
In any government, no matter by what name it is called, where
the offices are more numerous, and more valuable that are in the
executive gift, than those immediately in the gift of the people, the
executive power will soon become stronger than the power of the
people. If the number of federal offices and the amount of compen-
sation, of which, the people have the direct disposal, be compared
with those of which the executive has the gift, the people's share
would be abouL as one is to one hundred and seventy five Heace,
10
we see the public servants that are elected by the people, gener-
ally, willing to quit the service of the people, and go into the exec-
utive department, because places in the executive department are
worth several times as much as appointments under the people.
The president can come into congress with a foreign minister's
appointment in his band, worth 9000, and an outfit of 9000, and
the peoples business is abandoned-With a collectors commis.
sion, or that of a marker or gauger, or weigher in a custom house, he
can take away the servants of the people. The power of the peo-
ple is exerted through their agents, to restore their power, it is
necessary that the situations of their immediate servants should be
as desirable as the posts of the agents of the President.
It is no answer to say, that the president is himself responsible to
public opinion, every four years; because his power and patronage
will secure his reelection and the appointment of his successor.
There will not be one time in a hundred, that a popular president
will not be able, in effect, to transmit his power to his favorite.
But there are other controlling views on the subject; when the
salaries of the federal officers are placed far above what the states
can afford to pay, the attention of the most competent men, is drawn
away from the service of the states, and in proportion, as state pow4
er and influence is thus impaired, additions are made to federal
sway.
The following table will exhibit the salaries paid by the several states to
their governors anti judges, and the popvlation of each state, to wit
States.
Maine,
New Hampshire,
Vermont,
MassacIhusetts,
Rhode Island,
Connecticut,
New York,
New Jersey,
Pennsylvania,
lDelaw;re,
Maryl:rn],
Virginia,
North Carolina,
South Carolina,
Georgia,
Al aliama,
Masmssippi,
L'u isimrsa,
Tennessee,
Kentuckv
Qhio,
I n(diana,
Illinois,
Missouri,
Governors-.1 Judges ulI est
ighest ets. to highet.
1,500 1,800 1,.500
1,200 1,400 [1, 200
750 1,175
3,666 3,500 1,80')
400 65( 550
1,100 1,100 1,050
4,000 2,000 1,250
2,000 1,200 111M
4,moi 2,666 2,000
1,333 1,200 1,000
3,500 !2,20
3,333 2,700 1,500
2,000 2,500 2,000
3,500 3,500 2,500
3,00o
2,000
2.500
7,500
2,f)00
2 , 0 0 0
1,000
1,000
1,0e00
1,500
2,100
2,100
2,000
5,000
1,8(0
1,5(N)
1,200
0,700
I ,Olu
1,000
2,000
1,8-00
1,000
1,000
1,000
Populati'n.
399,450
269,326
280,652
910,408
97,199
297,675
1,918,608
330,000
1,348,233
76,748
447,040
1,211,405
727,987
531,185
516,825
309,527
136,621
215,739
681,904
687,917
937,90.3
313,031
157,445
140,455
11
Several inferences of great practical value can he drawn from
foregoing table, from it we can collect what is the public opinion of
the people of the twenty four States in regard to the salaries of their
highest officers, but in order to get the full value of the information
imparted by this document let us contrast it with the following to
wit:
A table showing the salaries of certain Officers and the expences
of certain departmients of the Federal government for the year 1833:
President of the U. States - 25,000
Vice President - - - - - 5,000
Secretary of State, b . -- 6,000
Clerks and MeSSengers in the office of the Sec. of State 21,479
Contingent expences of the office of the Sec. of State 25,009-86
Secretary of the Treasury 6,000
Clerks and Messengers in the office of the Secretaiy of the
Treasury - - - - - - - 17,887-43
First comptroller of the Treasury - - - 3,791
Clerks Messengers in the office of the first comptroller 20,700
Second comptroller of the Treasury - - - 3,000
Clerks and Mlessengers in the office of the second coinp-
troller 10,450
First Auditor of the Treasury - - - 3,750
Clerks and Messenger in the Office of the first Auditor 15,059
Second Auditor of the Treasury - - 3,000
Clerks and Messenger in the office of the Second Auditorl7,783-93
Third Auditor of the Treasury - - 3,250
Clerks and Messenger in the office of the third Auditor 23 687
Fourth Auditor of tihe Trreasulry 3,000
Clerks and Messenger in the office of (he fourth Auditorl7,051-53
Fifth Auditor of the Treasury - - - 3,250
Clerks and Mlessengrer in the offire of the fifth Auditor 13,865,77
Treasurer of the United States - - - 3,250
Clerks and Messenger in the office of the Treasurer of
the United States 7,321-50
Register of the Treasury - - - - 3,250
Clerks and Messengers in the office of the register of
the Treasury - - 2a5,883.10
Commissioner of the General land office - 3,250
Clerks and Messengers in the General land office 21,970-16
Contingent expenses in the general land office 13,158-41
Extra aid in the general land office - - 11,481-67
Solicitor of the Treasury - - 3,791-48
Clerks and Messenger in the office of the solicitor 4,279-20
Contingent expenees of the office of the Secretary of the
Treasury - - - - 10,000
Secrerary of War - - - - 6,000
ulerks and Messenger in the office of the acc'y at War 25,058
commissioner of Indian afairs - - - 2,848
Temporary clerks in the pension bureau including con-
tincgencies - - - - - 33,039
Secretary of the Navy - - - - 6,000
Clerks and Messengrer in the office of the Secretary of
tbe Navy - - - - 14,523
12n
Post Master General - - - 6.000
Two assistants at 2,500 each , - 5,000
Clerks and Mfessengers in the office of the Post Master
General - a - - - 41,100
Additional clerks hired in the post office department for
1831 and 1832 - - 34,477
Contingent expenses of the office of the post master genl. 7.500
Custom house in the city of New York - 200,041-83
Furniture for the President's House - - - 20,000
Completing the regulation of the grounds and planting
south of the President's 1lHouse - - 4,660
Pedestal Wall, railing and footway at the north front of
the President's House - - - 10,000
Conducting water in pipes and construction of Reservois
and Hydrants at the President's House and public
offices - - - - 12,423
Minister Plenipotentiary,Salary 9,000 out fit 9,000 18,000
Collectors at) The following are a few specimens
Boston 5taken front the Custom House 4,009
Gauger . - - - - 3,714,81
New York City collector - - 4,400
Weigher - a 4 -- . 3,4'2
Marker - . - 3,87,9
Measurer - - - , 2,762
Philadelphia collector a - - 4,400
Weigher - a - - 6,997 49
Measurer - - _ - . 2,674-17
And by perquisites, and extras, many of these officers receive
from 6000 to 8000 dollars a year.
The foregoing table exhibits only a few of the large drops in the
ocean of federal expenditure.
The federal government pays a weigher in the customr house onr
than the state of New York, with a population of near two millions,
pays its governor-a mere marker and gauger, and many of the sub.-
ordinate officers here in the departments, Teceive each nearly twice
as much as the governor of Kentucky, with a population of 687,917
soals. The door-keepers here receive as much as is paid to the
judges ot the court of appeals of Kentucky, and the waiters in the
offices, receive as much as our circuit judges.
While this disparity exists between state and federal compensa-
tion, it is obvious that there will be a preference to serve the nation,
rathei than the states.
Able, faithful, and talented men, are essential to the maintenance
of the power and authority of the state governments.
The experience of faithful public servants is the most valuable
part of the public property. In a republic of vast extent, the peo-
pile cannot quit their homes, and come together to carry on the gor-
ernment-Lhey must do it by representatives. The success of the
experiment, the liberty of the people depend upon a sacred regard
to all the principles which should bind representatives and consti
is
ents together. While the representative is a faithful centilnel upon
the watch tower of the constitution. and the people are guided by
Justice in all their judgments of his conduct; while they stand by
uphold and support the tiue servant, and punish the traitor, the re-
public is safe. Almost every where we see men holding the highest
o4Tices in the states, anxious to give them up and enter into the ser-
vice of the nation. With a view to counteract this tendency, and to
preserve and defend themselves, a few of the states have brought
their salaries up in competition with the federal government. Louis-
iana with only a population of 215,739 determined not to be cut
dcone, and lately, two or her most distinguished citizens left the Nan-
tional councils to serve their state. I know it is fashionable in what
is called the higher circles of life, to advocate large and generous
salaries to public officer3; many scholars and statesmen agree in
such views, and there are hosts of idlers in the towns and cities,
who repebt and affect to approve of what they understand to be fash-
ion-able among the great-but according to my experience there is
more practical wisdom among the plain industrious part ox mankind.
It is a universal opinion among that class of men, whose advice
I choose to follow, that economy ought to be observed in tihs
public expenditures. There are many who denounce this as preju-
dice, and as;ert that such an opinion in the people proceeds from
parsimony; but those who thus reason have taken but a superficial
view of the subject. An opinion that is so universal, and so long
entertained, has a deeper and a broader foundation. The very peo-
ple who entertain this opinion, and who are ridiculed for their pat-
simony, are, when occasion calls for it, liberal and open-handed.
We have seen them submit without a murmur, to the payment of
millions of debt occasioned by the war. The truth, that a govern-
ment to be free must be cheap, is proven by all history, the people
therefore when they are advocates for a cheap government, are advfr
cates for a government with limited powers, and the ascendancy of
their owvn authority; and a pure administration of the laws. There
is another radical mistake on this subject: the public business . -
always been better done by mea with moderate compensation than
by those who have extravagant pay. In the Gays of Washingat
when a book-keeper received but 1000, he staid in his office and
always had his business up.
But when the wages are raised to 3 or 4000, the officer turns
politician, quits his office, neglects his bu