xt7fj678tw80 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7fj678tw80/data/mets.xml   Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station. 1960 journals 094 English Lexington : Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station Progress report (Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station) n.94 text Progress report (Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station) n.94 1960 2014 true xt7fj678tw80 section xt7fj678tw80 By HARRY K. SCHWARZWELLER 4
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· Progress Report 94
(Filing Code: 26)

 PROGRESS REPORT 94 ;¤LiL:Y¢.‘l.1v€3`;L`, TL'}-Tk
` Harry H. Schwarzwcller
Department of Rural S0cri0l0;_,y

Page ‘
'InLq;·OduCtiOn-•—•--¤-»~-•·»--•--•--.•-•-••-• 1
Importance of career decisions to individuals and society.
The Research Prolilcm and Design ··—-··-·—·· —· ····- 6
Aspirations and plans for selecting an occupation,
volnp to collece and lcavinv the home count in
L: ,1 O Q O
relation to sociocultural background factors.
'L. icscarch Procedure and Sample -—--—--—--—--—--— 9
para ottaincd by questionnaire from seniors in
four Central Bluegrass and four Eastern Mountain county
high schools.
Typ pimdings ............. - .... .. .. ....... ]Q _
w·,,-`,-. . 7-. s. · ,` ·. car,. 1
4-l. ¤,¤Lr...·;t Patterns -.CCOI'd1I1_;, LO ocx - · ··· ·· ··· ···· ·· ·— l0
Patterns of coll.gc e;· choices are similar for both
s;xcs; thc occupational hierarchy is a more
important a=2nut .·-o to success for boys; a larger
proportion ol girls want to move away to urban
P. Zarecr Patterns According to Region - - ~ --·—-- lh
occupational and educational choices are similar
in vnttcrn for outh from the two re¤ions•
l ca :
Wountain seniors are more uncertain about plans;
a largtr proportion of Mountain seniors choose _
to migrate.
C. lor or Patterns According to Farm and Nonfarm
high-status occupational choices and going to
collagr arc mort characteristic of nonfarm than '
farm hgys; their patterns of migration choice
are tht same. Propcrtionately more farm than
nchiarm Lfrls choose to migrate; their patterns
of olcuparional and educational choices are
cssuntinlly alilc.

D. Socioeconomic Background Factors and
Career Choices -------------—-—-- 23
Family socioeconomic status is related to boys'
choice of occupation and going to college, but
is unimportant in the career choices of girls;
socioeconomic background is not related to
migration propensity.
E. Status in School System and Career Choices ---— 27
Achievement in school is a determining factor
in setting educational and occupational goals;
status in the school systems is not related
p to migration propensity.
_ Summary and Ceneralizations —-----------—---- 33
Status Level of Occupational Choice ---—--~ 3Q
Going to College —-------———·~——— 35
Leaving the Home County ------------— 36
Practical Implications ·--—-—--———----—--— 37

  .$Y.j`,Y;.QQQ¥y   ·_ · ih;   A
Harry K. Schwarzweller*
Young people on the threshold of graduation from high school face some
very important career decisions. Confronted with a great many alternatives,
they must make choices which will influence the future course of their lives.
These career decisions are, for all practical purposes, irreversible.  
A high school senior must decide what to do after graduation. What
kinds of jobs would be interesting? What kinds of jobs are available?
What kinds of jobs are reasonable career possibilities, considering
4 personal circumstances and capabilities? Would more education be desirable
~ to enhance the career position? Is it possible to go on to college? Would
traveling the road that leads away from home and family increase the chance
of career success? What is the best way to implement personal hopes, dreams,
and ambitions?
Society has a large stake in the future plans of its young people. Every
society must somehow arrange for the distribution of its human resources to
fill the necessary jobs within that society. In a complex, highly
industrialized society like the United States, the social mechanisms which
regulate the labor market are extremely complicated and often not at all
*The author is indebted to C. Milton Coughenour for much editorial
assistance, to both the University of Kentucky Computing Center and the
Office of Machine Statistics for use of tabulating equipment, and in
particular to the high school teachers and principals who gave time and
assistance in the collection of this information.

 €ViG€HC to the casual observer. A young person in America has a great deal
of freedom in choosing a career and planning a future in the work world. The »
American creed affirms this fundamental principle of freedom to choose as
well as the fundamental right to equality of opportunity.
Most Americans accept and support the traditional notion that anyone
who wancgto get ahead, can get ahead. Nevertheless, it is well knowxthat
social circumstances and factors influence individual career choices.
Greater knowledge about these factors can be useful to teenagers in antici-
pating the changing structure of the labor market and to counselors in guiding
yonng people toward needed careers in modern society, without destroying the
framework of individual freedom to pursue available opportunities.
Previous studies have demonstrated that choosing a career is a process
of eliminating alternatives rather than a single event. A lifetime occupation
may he viewed as the end of a chain of decisions. For example, a youth must
de ide now to allocate his time and energy, what school courses to take, how
much schooling to complete, when to look for a job, where to look for a job,
vhee to marry, and countless other important things. From early childhood
thw young person builds a career, and the consequences of each action or
1nattTon, of each choice from available alternatives, will affect future
tav~er alternatives and situations.
The present study is concerned with three major problems in the career~
choosing process; (l) selecting an occupation, (2) going to college, and (3)
Lwnving the home community. These problems intermesh in the overall career
schemt. A young person's decision regarding the alternatives involved in any

 l one of these problem areas will affect the alternatives available to him in
the other problem areas. It is important, therefore to ask why a particular
{ alternative is chosen.
Of course, a single, almost accidental incident may spark a career
decision. For example, a young man from a very poor family may win a
university scholarship and go on to a successful professional career - simply
V because a high school science teacher "forced" him to fill out a scholarship
application.— Without a scholarship perhaps he never would have gone to college
l and never fully realized his abilities. In a sense, the teacher's influence
was like a "causal trigger" which kindled the chain—reaction.
· Yet conditions must have been favorable for the spark to catch; no doubt
the young man possessed ability, preliminary training, high aspirations, strong
U r motivation, awareness of alternatives, self-confidence, willingness to sacrifice
p time and energy in pursuing distant goals, etc. These personality traits do
l not burst forth spontaneously; the basic human material is nurtured in a socio-
cultural environment. In short, a precipitating cause, often very conspicuous
and therefore seemingly akin to luck, is effective only if the situation or
'context is "ripe." It is important, then, to know what factors affect the
career-choosing decision and how these factors set the stage for a particular
course of action. ‘
Numerous studies have been published in recent years which focus on the
career aspirations and plans of youth.1 Gradually, a set of interrelated
1For more general and comprehensive discussion of the career-choosing
process, see especially Eli Ginzberg, et al., Occupational Choice, Columbia
University Press, New York, l95l; D.E. Super,_Ehg Psychology of Careers,
Harper, New York, 1957; and Robert Hoppock, Occuational Information, McGraw·
V Hill, New York, 1957.

 principles and generalizations is being drawn together which permit better i
understanding of the career—choosing process. The project reported here
aims to throw more light on this problem. The general objectives are; {
(l) to contribute to this growing body of knowledge about the phenomena i
of career choosing, and (2) to provide pratical information about the ,
career-choosing process of Kentucky youth for use by school administrators
and youth guidance counselors. Specifically, research is aimed at answering V
the following questions:
(a) What are the important differences in career patterns between
boys and girls?
(P) what are the important differences in career patterns between
seniors in the Bluegrass region and seniors in the Mountain
(c) what are the important differences in career patterns between i
farm and nonfarm youth?
(d) what effect do socioeconomic background factors have upon
career choices?
(e) What is the relationship between social status in school and
career choices? l
The research problem, therefore, centered on analyzing differences in
cn »¤v patterns between various categories of individuals.
An attempt was made to identify two dimensions of career choice. “irst,
there is that choice an individual would make if he were completely free d
-0 choose. This, labeled "aspiration,` is the individual's p·rception of
his ideal career goal with presumably little regard for the realities of
his situation. Second, there is that choice an individual actually Lxpects

 to follow. This, labeled "plan," is the individual's perception of his future
course of action presumably in view of the realities of his situation as he
` sees them. It is not possible to ascertain the career an individual will
; ultimately pursue, but previous research suggests a high correlation between
the stated ?plan" and the actual, later behavior.
Information for this study was obtained by questionnaire in the spring of
1959 from 248 girls and 203 boys in the senior classes of eight rural Kentucky
county high schools. Four schools are in the Central Bluegrass (Jessamine,
Anderson, Scott, and Clark counties), and four in the Eastern Mountain region
A (Powell, Menifee, Wolfe, and Elliott counties). In cultural and topographical
< respects these counties are fairly representative of their respective regions.
l Eastern Kentucky is often described as a familistic type of society. It is a low-
I income, marginal-farming area with relatively few job opportunities for young
people and, consequently, a high net out-migration rate. Central Kentucky is
more prosperous, more urbanized, and exhibits many of the characteristics
associated with a rapidly increasing cultural complexity.
The questionnaire was administered to all seniors in the particular school
on the day contact was made. It is very important to note that the sampling
procedure automatically excluded all those youth who dropped out of school
~ before completing their senior year.2 In no way should the generalizations
from this study be extended to all youth at this age both in and out of school.
20ne can get an idea of the nu ber of drop-outs in these sample counties
from, Egg Changing Kentucky Population by James S. Brown and Ralph J. Ramsey,
Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station PR 67, September 1958, Table 23, p. 36.

 Composition of the total sample is as follows:
Nu ber of Cases p
Bluegrass Boys l29
Mountain Boys 74
Bluegrass Girls l3l l i
Mountain Girls _ll;_ —
Total 451
The findings may be interpreted as a reasonably accurate assessment
of the relationships between the factors studied and the career aspirations
and plans of rural high school seniors in these two areas. Statistical
treatment of the data establishes confidence that the relationships presented
are not simply due to chance and will probably hold true among similar students I
in similar situations.
A. Career Patterns According to Sex
In a sense, boys and girls are reared in separate cultural environments. `
From the day they are born, the sexes are treated differently in terms of l
what they are taught, what is expected of them, and what opportunities are
prescribed to them by the society. These socialization influences and role
specifications are reflected in their different patterns of career aspirations
and plans.
Compared with girls, a significantly greater proportion of boys choose
high-status occupations (Figure 1). High-status occupation was defined as
professional, semi-professional, and managerial type jobs; all other jobs,
including farm operator, were classified as low-status occupations.3
3Classification was according to the criteria employed by the U.S.
Census (commonly known as the Edward's Scale).

0 20% 40% 53% 60% 80% 100%
*AspiraI;i0n F0r B 41% E
= Hi gh S tatu s I
<>¤¤¤pG¥i¤¤ G   {
"·‘ Plan F 0 r B 3 2 u E
High Status I
°°"‘*Pa*i°“ G   I
Aspiration T0 B :
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I *Urba11 B 49% l
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* Plan B 42 ' 0  
T 0 I
B0Ys B Yes %  
cmis c ;€;$¤2YEs % éiziziziaizizizisiziéii  
Percentages are rounded to ne arest whole number.
* = Diffe rence is significant at 0r ab0ve the O . 05 level 0f pr obability .
1 Fig . 1 — Career Aspirations and Plans of Seni0r B0ys and Girls in Eight Rur al
Kentucky High S ch00ls
1 1

 This difference in career patterns between boys and girls is consistent
with the tendency for many girls to choose a job as a temporary means of
making a living prior to marriage. For boys, the occupational hierarchy is
the most im ortant avenue to success. A woman's status in American society, : A
however, is determined largely by the occupational status of her husband.4
When the girls in this study were asked, "In choosing a husband would his V
occupation be important to you?" Fifty-six percent answered "yes" without
qualification, hl percent answered "yes" with some qualification, but only
U percent stated it would make no difference to them. A
when the girls were asked, "How important do you think it is for the
person you marry to be successful in his chosen vocation or profession?“
Sixty-three percent said "very important," 25 percent said "pretty important,"
but only 5 percent said "not important" and 7 percent "don't know." Girls are -
aware, or so their responses imply, that a husband's success in his chosen
occupation is a means of acquiring social status for themselves. These
;onsiderations help explain why there are differences between the occupational
career patterns of the sexes.
Nine percent of both the boys and girls lower their occupational status
ambitions when asked to express their choice in terms of actual plans rather
than aspirations (Fig. l). The question raised, which cannot be answered here,
is: Do these youths lack functional motivation or are they caught up in an _
unfavorable situation which negates any hope of implementing high aspirations?
4The bases for this are theoretically stated by Talcott Parsons, "Age
and Sex in the Social Structure of the United States," Essays ig
Sociological Theogy, The Free Press, Glencoe, Ill., l9h9.

 Boys and girls both aspire to go to college in nearly equal proportions
(Fig. 1). They are also alike in the relative numbers planning to go to
college. This does not necessarily mean, of course, that boys and girls
choose to go to college for the same reasons; but whatever the reasons for
going to college they apply with equal force to both sexes.
The differences between youths' aspirations and plans to go to college
should be noted, particularly by school administrators and guidance counselors.
when asked to state whether they actually plan to go to college, a sizable
proportion of those youths who say that they would like to, have to say
"don't know." Getting a college education is a generally accepted goal
among these young people, but only about one-third of them feel they are in
, a position which would permit them to make definite plans.
There is a significant difference in the pattern of migration choices
J between boys and girls (Fig. l). Leaving the home county must be a serious
career-planning consideration for any young person in rural Kentucky.
However, the propensity to migrate is much greater for girls than boys.
Compared with boys, a larger proportion of girls wants to move away from the V
' home county, and a larger proportion of girls is very definite about this
decision. The fact that over two-thirds of these rural girls prefer to live
in urban areas, compared with only about one-half of the boys, is a partial
explanation of the difference. This does not, however, fully explain why
more girls than boys prefer to move and are drawn to cities.
The large proportion of both boys and girls who say they plan to migrate
and want to make their home in or near a city is a startling challenge to
proponents of "the good rural life." Perhaps the attitude of these youth
` is a consequence of high materialistic and achievement aspirations in a

 situation of low economic opportunity. It is interesting that only 37 per-
cent of the boys would like to migrate compared with 42 percent who actually
plan to migrate. Apparently many of the boys who "don't know" if they
desire moving, feel they must when they consider the reality of their °
situation. I
It is also interesting to note that the proportion of youths who prefer x
urban residence is much higher than the proportion who would like to migrate.
Preference for city life is one thing, moving away from family, friends,
and home is another. The findings from this study point to the conclusion '
that the propensity to migrate is correlated with the quest for better
B. Career Patterns According to Region Q
Previous research in Kentucky has called attention to the cultural -
differences between the Central Bluegrass region and the Eastern Mountain
region. An attempt was made in this study to determine if the career patterns
of high school seniors reflect these cultural differences.
Analysis reveals no significant difference between the two regions in
the occupational choice pattern of boys or of girls (Fig. 2 and 3}.
These findings should be interpreted in light of two important facts:
(l) a greater proportion of Eastern fountain youths drop out of school before
their senior year, and (2) the material level of living of Eastern Mountain
seniors is much lower than that of their Bluegrass counterparts.5 The first
5 . . . . . . .
Statistical test shows that the difference in level of living between
Eastern and Central Kentucky seniors, as measured by either the Torntll
Level of Living Scale or the Sewell Socioeconomic Status Beale, is highly

 l Percent
Q 20% 40% 50% 69% 8OI% 10016
Aspiration For B 43 o E
High Status *
Occupation M   E
  0Z32;Z;Z;l3Z;Z;l;Z;Z;I;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z3Z;Z;Z;Z;Z;f;C;C;Z;Z;Z;Z;Z l
Plan For B 34% E
High Status •
°°°“Pa“°“ M   E
_ Certainty Of B 67 o E
Occccacacaaa c.:.,.:.;t,.;.Y.;.,.:_;.;.;.;.Z_;,ct;,Z.;c_.__:_;______._cc_Z._c_._c_.,._t,.,.,._._._.,c___c_._,_,_.;._,:._.:.;.;_;.__;s;_;.;c_ T ,;.;_;_c_;_
Pm M  
A *Aspiration B 2 ° ' 6  40%  
To °
p Miccccc M  
_ Tian B 34%  
g I
Micrctc M  
Aspiration To B 57 u i  
cc Tc inic,.;;;::.,n:,:,;.,.Z.;,,.;.;.;i;.Z.;.,i;i;i;_;_;t;_;c;_;,.;,:n;.;M,_;.;c,_2i;ci,:_;.;,M_;_; E n;;;;.,nc.M.;4c.;.;_; .  
C°“"g‘c‘ M  
*2,12,1% T0 B 36%  
o 0 {
°°“€g‘* M  
0 gag 9 69 80E 00%
; . .4. .  
... ..» . .. %=i=%°  ‘‘’‘  °2%2i2i2%2%252i2:2i2:2=2¤ 
Percentages are roimded to nearest whole munber.
* = Difference is significant at or above the 0. 05 level of probability.
Fig. 2 - Career Aspirations and Plans of Rural Kentucky High School Senior Boys
By Region
1 5

0 20% 40% 59% 69% 80% 109%
Aspiration For B 30 o :
High Status .....   ......   {
• .
Plan For B 20 41 {
High Status ..».....,....,,... { ‘
occupassn M   2 ·
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*ASpirati¤n B 40%  
To l
‘”“"”‘ E M  X  
=¤=Plan B 40 ' 0   é
V `   
To ‘
Migmte M  
V 7
Aspiration To B  
Go To ¤
c ll 7 M @2:4707 2EiiiiaQsia;QzzaQzzzisi2iai22E2é2Q2i5%5%3E3é5%;%3i3QQsiaQ2i2iaiziziaisieiziaieisizieigégi ` Y
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V %
*Plan To B   A `
Go To :
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O egg M $§&ii31%?;E;i;i;2&€&€&3&iiiéiéiiii?E?Eg§§25¥;E;E5E;§3.;:3·J?  _
0 20% :19,% 5Q% 60% 80% 1· is
 L GRASS Yrs %  
.. • M 1 1. iii? "°`‘ I ‘`‘`‘“‘"`` LJ  `aiaieiziaieiziaiaiaiaiz 
Percentages are rounded to nearest whole number.
* = Difference is significant at or above the O. 05 level of pr obability.
Fig . 3 — Career Aspirations and Plans of Rural Kentucky High S¤‘· 1- .1 Senior G 1
By Region
1 6

 fact suggests the possibility that Mountain youths whose career patterns differ
L have already dropped out of school. The second fact suggests that high school
experience tends to diffuse similar criteria of success, similar occupational
value orientations, and similar knowledge about culturally approved means to
i_ culturally prescribed goals in two vastly different subcultural regions of
American society,
Bluegrass seniors, particularly the girls, are more certain of
_ their occupational plans. This is probably indicative of differences in
opportunity structure between the two regions, Since job opportunities
are more limited in the Mountain region, occupational plans for many are
contingent on leaving the region. This tends to prevent the development of
definite plans,
P Migration aspirations and plans, therefore, play a much larger part in the
e career schemes of Mountain seniors (Figs, 2 and 3). If job opportunities are
limited in an area, young people must look elsewhere to implement their
occupational aspirations, The tremendous propensity of Mountain youths to
migrate is clearly demonstrated by these data. Only about l5 percent of the
Mountain boys and 8 percent of the Mountain girls say they do Egg plan to leave
their home com unities, compared with 37 percent of the Bluegrass boys and 23
percent of the Bluegrass girls ·who do not plan to leave, The tendency to
look beyond the local com unity for career opportunities does not depend on)
the kind of occupation desired, Regardless of the level of achievement
toward which a youth aims, rural youth in Kentucky must consider migration
in planning a career, This is truer for Mountain than Bluegrass youths.
There are so significant differences between the seniors in these two
~ regions in the proportion who aspire to go to college (Figs. 2 and 3).

 over one·half of the boys and approximately one-half of the girls in each
area indicate that they would like to go to college "if they could.”
Aowever, when these young people are asked whether they actually expect to
go to college, some interesting variations are exhibited in the pattern,
Although there is no great difference between the two regions in the ,
proportion who say "yes" to this question, there is a significantly large
difference in the proportion who say "don't know.“ To what extent this ‘
may reflect differences in economic resources for going to college cannot
be determined with precision. Mountain seniors are as aware of the desirability *
of Eurth ring their education as their Bluegrass counterparts, but their
chances to implement these aspirations seems to encounter more situational
_ blocks.
A consistent theme runs through these data. In terms of career goals,
there is very little difference between youth from the two regions of Kentucky. ”
However, at those points in the career-choosing process which are associated
with the implementation of goals, the pattern reflects cultural differences.
This can be noted by the following facts: more Mountain boys are uncertain
about their college plans, more Mountain girls are uncertain about their
occupational plans, more Mountain girls consider college in their career
scheme, and a much higher proportion of youths from the Mountain region want
to and plan to migrate.
These findings acquire meaning and significance when viewed in relation
to the limited career opportunities available to Eastern Kentucky youth.
For example, since very few jobs are available to girls in the Mountains, a
girl interested in a career would think of college as a means of assuring
_ future "success.V A non—career girl contemplating future marriage would r

 look for an interim job. Since job opportunities are extremely limited, this
girli would be more uncertain, would more seriously consider leaving the
` Mountains, and perhaps would regard going to college as one more way of
implementing status aspirations and assuring a secure future. In other
words, when these findings are interpreted with respect to the quest for
` opportunity, then the differences are logically consistent. The fact,
which is of crucial practical importance, is that there are no differences
in the pattern of occupational goals and educational goals between youth
> from these two areas.
C. Career Patterns According to Farm or Nonfarm Residence
A person's place of residence provides a clue to the kinds of learning
experiences thatle has had. Furthermore, where a person lives may shape his
. career alternatives, his awareness of alternative careers, and consequently
his live chances in the adult world. In the present study, youths were
l characterized as having either a farm or nonfarm residence. Previous studies
suggest that the career patterns of farm and nonfarm youth are quite different.
In the case of boys, the data (Fig. 4) clearly substantiate the general
hypothesis above; there are significant differences between the career ‘
patterns of farm and nonfarm boys. However, in the case of girls (Fig. 5),
while proportionately more farm girls plan to migrate, the differences in
— career aspirations and plans are small.
Compared with nonfarm boys, proportionately fewer farm boys consider
high-status occupations in their career schemes (Fig. 4). Some farm boys,
of course, plan to farm, farming, for the pirposes of this study, is
classified as a "lower status" occupation. Although there is considerable
variation of status levels among farmers, it is nontheless true that a young

Q 20°£» 49,% 50% 60l*é 80% 109%
*As pir   For N  I
High Status :
Occupafwn F   {
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*Plan For N 46% E
Hi gh Statu s I ‘
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Aspiration N 40%    
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Percent `
N NF   
Percentages are rounded to nearest whole number.
* >¤ Diffe r ence is significant at or abo ve the O . 05 level of pr obability .
Fig . 4 - Caree r Aspirations and Plans of Rural Kentucky High School Senior Boy s
By Far m and Nonfarrn Re s idence

 _ Percent
Q 2g% ipe 50% 60% 80% 10Q%
Aspiration For N 33% E
High Status {
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Plan For N 24% E
High scams I
c Occupation F   E
.'.'.'.'. . . . . . _._.I.:·:.:.;.:.:.:.:·:·:·:·: I
Certainty Of N 74% :
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` Pm F  
Aspiration N 46 o  
To ¤
· u
ipicc N 41% I  
_. T I
Aspiration To N 52  » g  
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Plan To N 34   
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0 20% 40% 5*0% 60% 89% 100%
. · . i i  
i I . ezésézizéz ‘·‘·‘   ·‘·‘·‘  ·¥2¥2¥2%2i&§2%2%%§&§%  
Percen ges are mimded to nearest whol  number.
A * = Difference is significant at or above the O. 05 level of probability.
Fig. 5 - Career Aspirations and Plans of Rural Kentucky High School Senior Girls
By Farm and Nonfarm Residence
2 1

 man who chooses farming, particularly in Eastern Kentucky, is choosing a lower
status occupation in terms of the status criteria in American society. In
this respect, the life chances of farm boys are considerably less than their
nonfarm counterparts.
Proportionately more farm boys are uncertain as to their occupational
plans, but the difference between farm and nonfarm boys in this respect is `
not great or significant. A somewhat greater proportion of nonfarm boys
choose to leave their home county, but again this difference is small.
However, in choosing to go to college, farm and nonfarm boys are very
different; and these differences in educational aspirations and plans merit
further examination.
Only 49 percent of the farm boys said they would like to go to college "if
they were completely free to choose," compared with 72 percent of the nonfarm ·
boys. Only 26 percent of the farm boys said they are planning to go to college,
compared with 48 percent of the nonfarm boys. Clearly, the value of a college
education is more prevalent among nonfarm boys. Since a college education is
usually considered as an avenue to a career, and since many farm boys are
assured a future on the farm, perhaps the desirability of this goal is less
important to them when weighed against the certainty of a job waiting at home.
If one thinks of going to college as providing opportunities for realizing l
one's capabilities, it is evident that the life chances of farm boys are more A
restricted than that of their nonfarm counterparts.
In the case of farm and nonfarm girls, very little difference was revealed
in their career patterns (Fig. 5). Statistically, there is no difference in the
patterns of their occupational choices and in the certainty of these choices. As
predicted, however, migration plays a much  ore dominant part in the implementation
of the career