xt7g7940sf5h_8 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7g7940sf5h/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7g7940sf5h/data/57m2.dao.xml Des Cognets, Russell 1.35 Cubic Feet 3 boxes archival material 57m2 English University of Kentucky The physical rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center.  Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Russell Des Cognets papers Prohibition -- United States. World War, 1914-1918 -- France. Political letter writing Kentucky -- Lexington. New Deal, 1933-1939. Convention for Repeal press releases and speech script text Convention for Repeal press releases and speech script 2016 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7g7940sf5h/data/57m2/Box_1/Folder_5/11154.pdf 1932-1935 1935 1932-1935 section false xt7g7940sf5h_8 xt7g7940sf5h Russell cles Cognets


Whereas, the Constitution of the United States, as established by the Fathers, delegated to
the Federal Government only such powers as in their very nature Should be Federal and
not State, and under that distribution of powers our country enjoyed progress and stability
for a hundred and thirty years; and

Whereas, the Eighteenth Amendment is misplaced in the Federal Constitution in violation of
the fundamental American right of local self-government in local affairs, and in surrender
to the Federal authorities of police duties over the habits and the conduct of individuals
which belong of right to the States; and

Whereas, National Prohibition under this Amendment has been the source of intolerable
wrongs, having undermined our Federal system of government, robbed our citizens of
Constitutional rights, fostered excessive drinking of strong intoxicants, bred corruption
and hypocrisy, caused ruthless killings of men, women and children, sown disrespect for
law and order, and flooded our country with untaxed and illicit liquor; therefore be it

Resolved, that the Association Against the Prohibition Amendment demands redress of these
wrongs through restoration to the several States of the right of their peoples to enact
such liquor laws as they may respectively choose, the abolition of the old—time saloon
having paved the way for sound and enlightened legislation by them for the control, or,
if they wish, for the prohibition of the liquor trade, provided that such legislation shall
not conflict with the duty of the Federal Government to protect each State against violation
of its laws by citizens of other States; and be it therefore further

Resolved, that the Eighteenth Amendment must be Repealed.





SIGNATURE .—___.____._____._—__..____.
NAME %_._—ww
It will facilitate our work if you will also print your name here.

MAIL ADDRESS __..___7i,.., 7, I ...,7.A 7i... Iniiifi mm, ilnv,.,____
Ifyou MW: in a different town from that shown in your mail address, please so indicate below,—in
order that we may send you information about political candidutcsin the district where you vote.
Toqu_*_._____._.,i___ COUNTY—va.“ STATE—._..—

1421 Heybum B1dg., Louisville, Ky.
United States Trust Company, 1421 Heyburn B1dg.,
Louisville. Louisville.
Detach and mail to:
Kentucky Division,
Association Against the Prohibition Amendment
1421 Heyburn Bldg.,
,’ Louisville, Ky.

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. "“'—————.

March 7, 1952
The meeting or rebellious Republicans from
various parts of the country in Chicago to con-
sider defiance of the party management might
remind this management, but probably will not,
of the various meetings observed by' the Whigs in
the fifties when the oncoming Republicans were
gathering to- break away from the shuffling rule
of a. moribund party which had outlived conviction
and excuse for being.
Why should such states as Illinois, New York,
Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Penn-
sylvania. and even Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan %
remain as negligible Republican colonies under a ‘ i,
. management which ignores their wishes and re-
quirements to satisfy Bishop James Cannon Jr.,
who demands jurisdiction over the private lives of
citizens, and of Mr. Borah, who demands their
money for the support of the pauper states?
Cannon represents a. clerical autocracy in the
south which was Willing to destroy the Union to
preserve black enslavement under state sover-
eignty and is now willing to destroy state sov- \
ereignty to accomplish white enslavement. Borah
represents a great waste land subdivided into
states which exist by forage in other parts of‘ _
the land. The senators from the crags, deserts,
and swamps invade and live on the country.
The Republican industrial states, without which 1‘
' no Republican candidate can be elected to the
presidency, are expected to support the subsidized
buffalo gnats, and sheep tick, and political grass
hoppers, conforming, at the same time, to, the
religious dogmas of the very section of the country l ‘
which, by its social and economic dogmas, made
the organization of the Republican party neces-l
sary for the preservation of these new exploited.
Mr. Fess of Ohio in a. white cravat and a black 1
hat may attempt to transform this ridiculous,
situation with some tricks of parlor magic, but
the victims are coming out of the hypnotic sleep.
7 The Republican party must offer its essential
' states something more than a. name, a tax bill,
and Bishop Cannon’s prohibitions.

March 8, 1932 .
‘ _"——'-— l
Hew‘ to the Line, In the
quips fall where they may. M "l
Pal on:-

when a. large section of the Republican party says
it wonft give any money for campaign expenses
this year it the Sacred 18th is supported in the "
platform. And the objectors are those who havei
put up most of the jack in past campaigns. Tut;
tut, tut, have things come to the place where the
reformers have got topay for their own reforms?
How horrible! A reformer aIWays gets somebody
else to hold the bag-andhe doesn't do anything but.
referm. They love to reform you and me as long
as it doesn’t cost them anything. But. it they:
have to pay for saving us—boys, in that case it
flooks as though we were going to be left ,for old
Mister Devil to grab us. rightoft. .

I It‘s always been said that money makes the
mare‘ go. Ot‘courSe nowadays we would have to
change thatdear but saw and 'make it read that
‘money buys the gas tor the old car. Political
campaigns-cost money, probably not-as much as
in other years; lots of voters Who need to. getvtwo
; bucks for voting right'would probably come down
i to a. dollar and a half, or even 'slx bits, on account
of the depression. And then there's all the head-
»,quartem rent and the tons of propaganda that
have to be sent out find the’willing Workers and
campaign orators’ board and. keep. It all costs
i money, and thevG. O. P. hasn’t any Johnny Raskob
lputtlng. up ten thou‘sand’slmoleons every month
to keep the home fires burning. It may be, indeed,
a. ntible' experiment, but even. noble experiments.
’eost money, and the nobler they are the more theyl
:éost. It-the big money boys in the G. 0.12. are
. }going to put padlocks on Ithélr pocketbooks and
l sew up their pants pockets until the Sacred 18th
' i gets the air—hiwhat' to do?

 Statement by the Association Against the Prohibition Amendment
March 14, 1932

If Congress will adopt the Beck—Linthicum resolution and thus
give the question of National Prohibition to the people to decide we
can settle the whole thing in two years. The people stand three to
one for getting rid of National Prohibition. All they want from
Congress is the opportunity to carry their opinion into action. Only
Congress can give them this opportunity.

Especially important now is the fact that favorable action by
this Congress will enable the next Congress to lift from the shoulders
of the people the new billion-dollar tax burden which is now about to
be put upon us.

The procedure is possible and simple. The legislatures
elected in November will convene next January and they can arrange
for the popular election of delegates to State conventions in November
of 1933. The conventions can then meet in January of 1934 and thirty-
six of them will certainly ratify the repeal of National Prohibition
and thus enable the States to install reasonable liquor control systems
of their own in conformity to the wishes of their people and the
advancement of temperance.

Thereupon Congress can at once substitute for these new and
unusual taxes an excise revenue system which will bring in a billion
dollars a year, and the whole nightmare will be over by July 1, 1934,
just exactly the date of expiration of these extraordinary taxes .
recommended and predicted by President Hoover.

This is the best thing our Congressmen can do right now to
help us up out of hard times. By the same act they will not only
restore our ancient right of home rule but will drive out of our
country the infernal machine—gun rule of the racketeers under which
we now suffer.

"Dear Congressmen:
Do you not think it is high time that the entire question of national prohibition
be submitted to the people? As you know this can be done by the passage by Con—
gress of the Beck—Linthicum resolutiOn. If you do not think that the
should vote on this important subject, I will appreciate very much your letting
me know just what your position is.
"It is not that you are being urged to come out as an anti—prohibitionist; as a
matter of fact it is not particularly important at the moment whether the members
of Congress think prohibition is meritorius or otherwise. What the people want
now is an opportunity to express their wishes at the polls. It is only the people
who can decide this question finally, Congress can only hurry the time. When the
question is submitted to the states for ratification every Congressman will be
free to fight for or against ratification. That will be his affair.
"As matters now stand it is only the drys, the bootleggers, the racketeers and
others who are profiting from an illegal traffic that are opposing a vote by the
people. Surely there cannot be much more straddling under these conditions."
"As you know, there is pending in the House of Representatives the Beck—Linthicum
resolution proposing an amendment to the 18th Amendment of the Constitution of the .
United States. I wish to urge you to support the adoption of this resolution.
"Whatever your personal views 0n prohibition may be, I trust that you will agree
that the time has arrived when the people of the United States should have an op-
portunity of expressing their views upon this highly important matter. The reso‘
lution in question will, for the first time, give them this opportunity.
"I would be greatly obliged to you if you would let me know whether you intend to
favor the adoption of this resoltuion."

“I am writing you abOut the Beck-Linthicum resolution, which I understand is
shortly to come up for vote in the House of Representatives. I think you might ‘

p like to know that I am hepeful that this resolution will be passed by the House.
We must do something in this country, and before very long, to correct the
situation as it exists today.
"You have so frequently advised the citizens of your district that you liked to
know their sentiment about pending legislation that I am taking the liberty of
writing you this letter."

From the Information Department, For Release
Association against the
Prohibition Amendment, MONDAY
1173—75 National Press Building,
Washington, D. C. APRIL 25, 1932.

Henry H. Curran, president of the Association Against
the Prohibition Amendment, today issued the following statement:

”It is time right now to take a good look at thOse four
acrobats of the dry rear guard, Byrd, Hyde, Brookhart and the
'Business Friend of the President', lest they fool us out of a fair
fight to get rid of the 18th Amendment and the criminal and econo~
mic evils which have come with it. These four dry leaders are up
to the old political trick of trying to block by postponement what
cannot be gained in straight—forward contest. All four of them are
trying to change the Constitution of the United states to suit their
own dilatory tactics. ‘

”The 'Business Friend of the President' would have a
special election for a national convention, but there is nothing
about this in the Constitution. Byrd would spend several years
putting a new amendment into the Constitution and then would have
us begin all over again to repeal the lgth Amendment. Brookhart
says that two—thirds of the State Legislatures must petition Congress
before Congress can submit to the people the question of repeal.
Hyde says about the same thing as Brookhart.

"Here we have three Republicans and one Democrat endeavor~
ing to re~write the Constitution so that the retreating drys may
gain a reSpite of delay of several years before the emerican people
tahe a vote for or against national prohibition. At the same
moment four or the leading professional dry agitators — Bishop

. _ 2 -
Cannon, Pussyfoot Johnson, Reverend Wilson and Reverend McBride —
back up these schemes for delay. All in all, this is the best bOxu
full of tricks that has yet been shown.

”It is clear now that the dwindling dry forces foresee
defeat for their refusal to allow the American people to vote on
the question of national prohibition. They no longer oppose sub—
mission of this question. Instead they seek to delay the submission
of it by these devices so well known to all politicians. It means
a complete change of front. Our fight is no longer for submission
of the question but for prompt submission as against indefinite

"This will be the question before the two great party
conventions. Will the people allow either party to pussyfoot its
way out of an honest statement through this side door of political

”The 5th Article of our Constitution is a simple thing.
It provides for submission of such questions, by a two—thirds vote
in Congress, to the people for decision through State Conventions.
It contains no preliminary hurdles or trial heats of the kind so
disingenuously prOposcd by Byrd, Hyde, Brookhart and the ’Business
Friend of the President'. Since when have these four politicians
been endowed with the job of re~writing our Constitution to suit

”Our Association will ask the party conventions for
straight submission of straight repeal.”


 _ } ,-, V
' ' ' Not to be releaseddntil June .5. ( [4.37513
‘ . ‘6 hr" ;
AluiUUiibuiriuuii .L' uh buiiGiigpLu
i an a candidate for the d6fl00lutic no ination
for Congress erm the Sixth Congressional District of
Kentucky, subject to the result of the pr'itxuiry oledtion
August 6.
While personally I an dry, and always have voted dry,
I skull favor a referendum on the prohibition question, as
DPDVlUud for in the constitution.
Under our syston of government, the oeople have an
inherent right to pas: upon tlis or any other lioortant ques-
tion. If elected to Congress, no vote of mine shall be in ,
denial 01 that right. ,
A5 a representative, I shall not devote my time to
looking for new methods oi taxation, but shall vote at all
times to out the garment or government to fit the cloth, and
that no more shall be taken from the peOple in taxes than is
necessary for the efficient acministrarion of the government's
I promise the people oi the district init.iul and con-
st nt attention to the duties or tne ofrice and prompt response
ts any wish or request of theirs expressed in conVersation or
cozwuaiCctions to me.

 Th 0 I ' w k7
e onstltutlon or .
By Congressman Frank Oliver

The shouts and boos and tumult of the National conventions are over.
The conventions put the job up to the people. A great power slumbering
in the Constitution for 143 years is about to be awakened and the people,
using this great old battering-ram, are to be given a chance to smash the

. 18th Amendment out of the Constitution of the United States. Both
major political parties have pledged the submission of a constitutional
amendment to be considered, not by the legislatures of the States, but
by conventions of the people which are to assemble—one in each State of
the Union.

Since the battering-ram is to be put into the hands of the people, how
will they use it? When will they use it? Can anyone turn the battering—
ram into a feather duster?

When Congress by a two—thirds vote submits a constitutional amend-
ment, it has the power to state whether the ratification shall be by the
legislatures of three-fourths of the States or by conventions of three—
fourths of the States.

The universal demand and pledge that submission be to conventions
and not to legis'atures speaks louc‘ly of the loss of confidence in the legis~
latures, at least as far as Prohibition is concerned. The wet-drinking, dry~
voting, hypocritical legislator has brought a plague upon both of his
houses. In Rome there was an expression, “The Senators are gentlemen.
but the Senate is a bad beast." -

. In America. the dry law has led to a. common belief that legislators are
not. gentlemen and that legislators are bad beasts. 'Ilhus the suspicions
of the people have driven carousing political conventions which so often
endosse dry laws and dry statesmen to pass the problem to the indignant
people who demand their own conventions.

The “Other Power” '* ‘- —- _—

There is ancthe-r power in the quite as long as it will take the
Consti'ution which the people would people to get their convention.
have invoked had they possessed . k
the direct power to do so. A na- In Thls State _ . .
tional conwntion may be called to 119‘? 118 100k at the 0011 rtztutzon. 01
propose amendment; to the Cons'i- 0111' State to find 0tht somethlng
tution. That is how the Constitu— about this great Leglslature which
tion was first formed. A national might Clo us the honor to create a
convention met in Philadelphia and convention, and then step asxde so
wrote the Constitution. It then sub-I that the people can take a crack at
mitted the dra t for the considera’ their largest and phonlest law—the
tion of the legislatures of the then Eighteenth Abominatlon.
independent thirteen ex-colonial The State Con ititution provides
governments. that there shall be fifty senators and

Bu " a National convention may be one hundred and fifty assemblymen.
called only upon the application of While the Constitution solemnly ex—
the legislatures of two-thirds of the pre'ses its belief that these repre—
States. Therefore, the people must sentatives should represent districts -
appeal first to the legislatures, of equal population, it laughs that .
which they do not trust, in order off very neatly. It also provides a
to secure a National convention. little scheme that prevent; New
which they would trust, in the place‘ York City from getting its full rep— ‘
of a hypocritical ‘Congress which resentation, and it gives the people
they do not trust So the task of above the Bronx line a constitu—
‘substitu‘ting a peoplrfi's convention, tional majority in both houses, no
for Congress. which owes more al- matter how large New York City
legiance to the Anti-Saloon League grows,
than to the voters, is impossible. ex— Thgrefgre, New York City people
cept by the consent of the leglsla- are constitutionally inferior to the
tures themselves. , people of the rest of the State. In

1135 “5 100k at the petty platforms many up-State di'tricts they would
fol“ a moment; and then find out not trade one of their people for
how far conventions depend 9P0“ three of ours, for the constitution
legislatures, and how httle 1931519”. gives them a higher political value.
tures depend upon the people. Here What has all of this to do with
are the “tal sectlons. ‘conventions and the Eighteenth

Democratic Plank: } Amendment? It has a lot to do with

“We favor the repeal of the both. We must remember that New

18th Amendment. YOrk State ratified the Eighteenth

“To effect such repeal, we de- Amendment by a majority vote 0f

mand that the Congress imme- both houses of the Legislature. That

diately propose a constitutional Legislature flouted the will of the
amendment to truly representa- majority of the people, and was able
tive conventions in the States to do so safely because a majority

called to act solely on that pro~ of the Legi?la.ture was elected by a

posal.” lminority of the people.

. Republican Plank: ’ ’ To illustrate, without making a

(I ~ political argument. Gov. Roosevelt,

D8023: :ggflfg gab/6611:? :gggrfigfi a Democrat, swept the State in 1930

nity to pass upon a proposed by 750,000 maj-ority,.but the Repub-

amendment, the provision of beans swept a maJonty into how

which, while retaining in the houses of the Legislature. They did

Federal Government power to “Qt gain the malquty bY a majority

preserve the gains already made V9156, ,bUt byprovlswns m the _Con—

in dealing with the evils inher- stitution Whmh give a small minor-
ent in the liquor traffic, shall lty of the people a vast malonty of
allow States to deal with the .representatives in the Legislature.
problem as their citizens may i But kit? us get to that Pomt about
determine, but subject always to {conventions and the repeal of the
the power of the Federal Gov— :Elghteenth Amendment.

ernment to. protect those_States 3 Can We Protect Ourselves?

, where prohlbltlon may exist and 1 “ ”
safeguard our citizens every- l HOW can , We the P953919 over-
where from the return of the [come our misrepresentatlve Legisla—
saloon and attendant abuses. .ture, and force it to 313/9 us the

“Such an amendment should 1 convention which is our right? How

. be promptly submitted to the ican “We the People” force our fake

States by Congress‘ to be acted l representative Legislature to fix the

upon by State conventions called I apportionment of the delegates to

for that sole purpose in accord— ; the conventlon on an equal popula-
ance with the provisions of tion basis, and not upon the_fraud—

, Article V of the Constitution ulent, .vpeople-swindling ba§13 DOW
and adequately safeguarded so governing the Legislature itself?
as to be truly representative.” 1W5, carll3 mar? totthe potlls fon
Hurrah! At last; we are to have I E?“ 1°“ W an cas‘ our V0 es. 01’

a people‘s convention in every State! gleat statesmen to lead the nation.
of the Union! Does not the 0011— i We may as well elect them t." Sta-
stitution of the United States sayit‘lary 3a“ 0” to th‘? smlthsoman m—
that Congress may decide that this ! S! ““3 If we 1°59 51%” 0f the fight
matter may be passed upon by con— “Sht here at home. There IS an 91d
vention? Surely it does so what are motto usedby both political partles
you worrying about? ’Didn’t both for the guidance of .1ts workers—
political parties in the pious en- Never mind Elle “twill 33“,an
. vironmen-t of church-ridden Chicago your own elec lOIla dIStrmt" I" con—
declare that people’s conventions talns .lcertaln elcments “150111,?
would take the place of these legis- °°un°1~ 1? I may be Dem“ ed 0
latures which nobody trusts with ”3.11513“ it for. the benefit Of our
so much as a case of bay rum or P?“ 0f view, It “11.1mm Don‘t
radiator alcohol? Surely they did, wm prohlbltlon repeal m" the nation
so why not throw up your hat and and lose 1t .1“ the State.
start for the people’s convention? The election of Senators and As-
” semblymen has as much to do Wlth
Where—and When- the fight against prohibition as the

Where is it going to meet and election of the Congress and the
when? Not too fast, for your oon- President. The Drys know that.

vention must first. be created by the Bishop Cannon and the Anti—Saloon
——“Legislature of each State." Con- League know that. We want the
gress in submitting the repeal of the Wets to know it too. The wet and
18th Amendment to conventions has dry fight has just started: In every
no power to create the conventions! hamlet in the Country the drys will
And Congress has no power to force fight not only wet Congressmen and
a State legislature to create a con- Senators, but wet members of the
vention. State Legislatures.

Now we are back to that which Even if we win by a- sweeping vote
we started to get, away from—the in Congress, and start the repeal
legislatures of the States. on its way to the States, the drys

It so happens that the State Leg— will meet us on- the battlefield of
islatures must provide for the organ- the State Legislatures. They Will try

ization of the convention; by law. tWO. attacks: '

They must determine how many FII‘Sil—T‘O'DI‘GIVGHt the legislatures
delegates are to attend the conven- from creating the conventions '50
tion, whether they serve free or are pass on repeal. .

paid, when and Where they meet, 'Second—To apportion the conven-
what their qualifications are, and tions 50 that more drys W111 be
most important of all, from what elected than wets and thus beat re-
size district each delegate must be peal.

elected. A Long Fight

Of .course'the Legislature may de— The fight for repeal will be a long
termlnelto Ignore the creation of a and bitter one. The conventions in '
_conventlon altogether, and then», three-fourths of the States must.
dear people, you may be all dressed ratify it if two-thirds of the con-
up In your convontlon clothes and gress propose it. Two branches of
have no convention to. g0 t0. The each legislature by majOrity vote in
Leglslature may do thls If it becomes three-fourths of the States plus the
very indignant at the kind Of an Governor of each will have' to pro—
amfendnlent Congress sends out for vide by law for conventions. They
ratlficatlon. ' will have to fix the boundaries of

Let us suppose fer Instance that districts by equal population units
the Democratlc plank for stralght or else the drys might be in the ma—
repeal is sent out by Congl‘eSS and jority in the convé'iitions although
the Legislature ‘of the State of New in the minority in the States.
£31”ka Republican. Naturally the When you consider that the great-
th putrlllcanst would be very angry est battles in legislatures are fought

‘ at d e we -%nd-dry—two-1n-one— over apportionment bills. you will
amen 1:18? 0 she Republican Party rea‘ize that there is still a power
was no s “3.09 as ordered There- which can turn the people’s batter-
foret they mlghtfsay.t‘We W111 I’Ot ing—ram into a feather duster.
crea e a conven ion 0 pass upon - -
this bad Democratic bill. We must HOW many. years W1“ “5 take ‘50

. ‘ . repeal the Eighteenth Amendment?
thlnk of the etelnal salvation of our

_ I have shown you some of the legal

delegates. What dOth It profit a 1301' hurdles the people must jump be-

1tlc1an to repeal the‘ Elghteenth fore they can use their battering-
Amendment if he sufiels the loss of -

the Anti-Saloon Lea ue9” ram to smash it. The drys are con-

. g ' fident that somewhere along the

Or suppose the chked Democrats - - -

_ , line they can block It, in one more
are .m power m the New York State than one-fourth of the States If
Legislature, and the Republicans they do, they win. We must jump
control Congress, ml] the Democrats -
create a. convention to ratify a Re— all of the hurdles in three-fourths
publican amendment to the Eight— $5318 states. One stumble and we
eenth Amendment? '

It is taking a long time to write Can the people make the Consti-
about a people’s convention, but; not tution work?

(Reprint from The Home News, September 25, 1932)

National Press Building ’
. Washington, D. C.

Commenting on the passage of the repeal resolution in the House of Repre—
sentatives February 20th, Jouett Shouse, President of the Association Against the
Prohibition Amendment, said:

"The action of the House in passing by so preponderant a majority the
repeal resolution is the natural sequence of the events of the past year.

"It is highly gratifying that the Seventy-second Congress showed itself
responsive to the popular will. Thereby the cause of repeal has been advanced by
months, if not indeed by years, through favorable action at this time rather than
the delay that would have ensued had the matter gone over until the Seventy-third
Congress convenes.

"The friends of prohibition reform have proper basis for exultation. This,
however, is a time for dedication to the work ahead rather than for rejoicing,
because the fight for repeal which has been going on for years is not