xt7gb56d2m8b https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7gb56d2m8b/data/mets.xml Clark, James, 1779-1839. 1828  books b92-117-28228737 English s.n.], : [S.l. : Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. United States Politics and government 1815-1861. Tariff United States.Buckner, Richard Aylett, 1763-1847. Circular address of James Clark and Richard A. Buckner to their constituents of the 3d and 8th Congressional Districts of Kentucky  / James, Clark, Richard A. Buckner. text Circular address of James Clark and Richard A. Buckner to their constituents of the 3d and 8th Congressional Districts of Kentucky  / James, Clark, Richard A. Buckner. 1828 2002 true xt7gb56d2m8b section xt7gb56d2m8b 

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          3d and 8th Congressional Districts qf Kentudy.

     TOWARDS the close of the last session of Congess, it was our in-
tention to have addressed you by a circular letter, pointing out and ev-
plaining the most important measures which had occupied the attention
of that body, since their meeting in December last. It was deferred un-
der a hope that many of them, which had been introduced at an early
period, would have been definitively acted updn, long before the terini.
nation of the session; so that we might not be compelled to hazard a con-
jecture as to their probable issue, but be enabled to speak of them as
they might actually eventuate. In that however we were in a great de-.
gree disappointed. On our return hompe, we found the State so covrr-
ed with political pamphlets, newspapers, c. that we thought ittbest to
defer it until after the election.
  It is a subject of regret, that too much of that time, which should have
been devoted to the dispassionate consideration of measures, involving
the most important interests of the American people, was consumed in
fruitless de ate, upon propositions (such for instance as that upon the
subject of retrenchment) from which no beneficial result could reasona-
bly have been expected; the discussion of which for weeks in succession at
great expense, as we tben believed and still most confidently believe, was
pursued for political eflect only.
  It is a subject of yet deeper regret, that the violence of party spirit,
so ill suited to that calm and sober reflection, which should ever mark
the course of the patriotic statesmap, mingled itself too much with most
of our deliberations. Whilst the unrestrained indulgence of such feelings
must be deplored, as producing distraction in council, and consequently
an unwise course of legislation, by the adoption of measures which-.,.
time to come mav serve as dangerous precedents, we may yet console
ourselves with the reflection, that its existence, to a certain extent, is i,.
separable from the very nature of our goveriment. The history of every
republick, from those of Greece and-Rome to tile present day, illustrates
the truth of this observation. It is one of the unavoidable 'results of
liberty itself; which is however by far more than balanced by the bless-
ings which liberty confers. Let us not despond because we do not glide
along as harmoniously as the disinterested patriot and friendsgof good or-
der desire. That there are those amongst us, who regardless of their
duties as citizens, and apparently spurning the benefits of the wisest and
best ordered government that the ingenuity of man has ever devised, seek


their own aggrandizement, reclklis of consequelices; and even speak ofa
disunion of the States with a carelessness and apbthy, whiclhWhenvtbe
angry excitemenst of the day shall have subsided trust render themn
objects of universal execration, is too true.
   We need not however be alarined. There is, we hope, too much
intelligence and patriotism in the people of the United States, to permit
treason to rear its head with impunity. A' few discontented Catalines
there are, no doubt, in every State (wetare sure there are in Kentucky,)
who bankrupt in fortune, and still more so in principle a"d reputation.
perceiving that their only hope rests upon the dissemination of filsehood
and deception, would rejoice at such an event. Washington, whose
name is identified with the liberty of our country, speaking of that union,
a.9 the maian pillar in the edifice of our rcal independence, warns us
of the. approach of such insidious demagogues, and urges the vital
importance of its preservatiou. lie said, addressing himself to the peo-
ple of the United States,
  " You should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it, accus-
toming yourselves to think and speak of it, as the palladium of your political safety
and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discoiintenan-
cing whatever may suggest even a sBnspicion, that it can in any event, be abandorned
and indignantly frowning upon the very first dawning of every attempt to alienate
any portion of otir country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which U0owr
link together the various parts."

  This was the disinterested admonition of one, who having really "filled
the measure of hiis country's glory,"' looked with the fond eye of parental
solicitude, to tihe prosperity and happiness of a people, in whose service
he had spent the greater portion of a lontg and laborious life. If no event
in the political history of our country, had then transpired, which pointed
out the necessity of such advice; the sentiments engendered in the bit-
ter strife and political warfare wbich is n'ow waged, which have beer.
either openly avowed, or so plainly insinuated, that .none can mistake
their tendency, prove that it was neither unmeaning nor superfluous.
  At such a crisis it behoves every man who regards the permanency of
our republican institutions, as of more value than the success of a party.
to divest himselfof party prejudices and calmly to listen to the dictates of a
soher-judgment. It is in times of great political excitement only, that
the wily arts And intrigues of the cunning and ambitious are to be dread-
ed- It is at such a time, more than. at any other, that the country stands
in need of the exertions of the aged and experienced; the sober and re-
flecting men of the country, who from their weight of character, can
cbecjk the rashness and violence of the more giddy and tureflecting: To
such men, at such a period, more than to even those who risk. their lives
ill def.-ncc of our country, must we stand indebted for the preservation
of our liberties. 'The latter aid in repelling the aggressions of a for-
eln foe;. the former perform a not less meritorious duty, ini guarding us
against the machinations of internal enemies.
  Influenced by these consider:ttions, it has been our constant aim, since
we had the honor of serving as the representatives in Congress of our rc-
spectivc Olistricts. to pursue the course which was in our opinions, bpst
calculated to allay sectional prejudices, and to unite by the most indisso-
lible bonds, the various States of the Uniow; to regard every section of
thc country. as equ-:1ll rntiflel to the fostering care arid protection of



the government: and to render us in every sense of the term a free and
independent people.
To effectuate the first of these great desideratums, we have considered the
subject of Internal Improvements by the General Government, as worthy
of the highest consideration. What can be better calculated to produce
those feelings of brotherly affection, that conviction of an unity of inter-
est, which can alone be relied upon, as the sure basis of perpetual union,
than a free and uninterrupted intercourse commercial and social, betweeR
the people of every part of the United States  What, we may ask, so
'well calculated to aid in defeating the ambitious schemes of unprincipled
men, who may attempt to excite a belief, that the interests of the
West are essentially different from those of the North; or of either from
those of the South
  We know that there are many who deity the Constitutional right on the
part of Congress, to appropriate the money of the nation to such purposes;
and we do not forget that there are others, who although they admit the
right, urge that under the present Administration it has been perverted
to dishonest purposes. It is not our design in this address, to enter into
an investigation of the Constitutional question; or to shew how unfound-
 d and ungenerous such charges are.
  You.have no doubt seen a list of the laws passed at the last session of
Congress, and probably have read most of them, as they have been pub-
lished in many of the publick prints. We shalt. not therefore attempt to
refer to each of them separately. Amongst the most important may prop-
erly be ranked, those embracing the subject of Internal Improvements,
And a Tariff of duties, on merchandize imported into the United States.
  Under the first head were passed the following bills:
  lst A bill making the usual appropriation of30,0Iro for surveys ror Internal Im-
  2d. A bill authorizing a subscription for stock of the Chesapealk and Ohio Canal
Company to the amounlt of a million of dollars. The subscriptios or tidivid uals and
corporations are to amount to two willious wore.
3d. A bill to authorize the erection of a brok-iwvater in the D6!asv-re bay; and
several other bills appropriating money or portions of the public landito other ob-
jects of improvement.
  Appropriations were also made for fortifications, for the improvement
efour harbours and navigable rivers, and for the gradual increase of the
  Bills also passed, affording relief to the purchasers of public lands,
which you will recollect the President recommended, ili his message to
both houses of Congress, at the commencement of the late session.
  An attempt was made in the Senate to graduate the price of the pablick
lands, but failed. If it be proper, to.make an) alteration in the laws 0o
this subject, the prices should be so regulated, as to afford an opportunity
to the poor, to become the owners of at least a small- tract of land, upon
which to settle, and raise families.
  Bat should not the reduction of price be confined to those, who per-
manently settle upon the land, and the purchase of each individual in
such case limited to a single tract  There are many poor mea with fami-
lies, and many young met without families, echo are unable to buy at
present prices, who would make useful and deserving members of so-
ciety: whose attachment to their country would be naturally strength



ened, by becoming the owners of a portion of its soil. A honm and a
family are strong incentives to a love of country. The recollection ot
them nerves the arm of the warrior; and inspires the breast of the patriot.
   This subject will no doubt, be again brought before Congress. What-
ever vote we may give, relating to it, we cau say, that we are decidedly
opposed to any measure, calculated to throw it into (te hands of specula-
tors, and thereby place it beyond the reach of those, who wish to settle
on it. To those, who are able to buy for thle purposes of speculation, the
price is already sufficiently low.
   Nor can we acknowledge the propriety of the proposition whi0l1 Was
also made in the Senate, to cede any portion of the publick lands, to tlt
states, in which they are respectively situated. Why should that, which
belongs to us all, to the purchase of which, all have contributed, be gra-
tuitously bestowed upon the people of soine particular states 'V ould it
not be an act of manifest injustice te the others Besides, they have
been solemnly pledged for the payment of thle national debt. They were
acquired by the united efforts of the whole nation, at the expense of
both our treasure and blood; and under a judicious management, will
prove to be a source of great revenue. Since the adoption of the Federal
Constitultion, nearly thirty-three millions of dollars have been paid, from
the national treasury, for the lands purchased from France and Spain, and
from the various tribes of Indians. We have acquired about two hundred
and sixty millions of acres, bf which, not qpuite twenty millions have been
  A bill was reported, but not finally acted upon, and will no doubt be
again introduced, proposing to estahlish a new territorial government, to
be called Huron, including the country, which is situated between the
Missouri river on the West, and lake Michigan on the East.
  Should the bill pass, as it probably will, we shall then have four territo
rial governments, all of which, in a fewv years, will doubtless become great
and flourishing states. The history of the world do-es not afford a-ny oth-
er example, of sucd rapid increase of population, of commerce, of wvealth
and national importance. Commencing with thirteen states we shall, in
little over half a century, have more than double that number; with it
population of about three millions, we shall in the'sarne period have ill
creased to about five times that number. At that period, destitute of a
navy, we now own one, which we are annulaflv increasing, and which,
every thing considc red, is inferior to none. except that of Great Britain,
and according to the number of ships. greatly superior to that.
  At the last session, a bill which hlad been presented, in different shapes,
for-several preceding sessions, passed, making provision for the officers and
soldiers of the revolutionary war, who remained in service to the close of it.
  .Of all the important subjects, however, which occupied the attention
of Congress during the last session, the bill already mentioned, imposing
3.l ioiial duties upon articles of merchandize, imported into the United
St.tec. frorn foreign countries, was considered as the most important,
and conwumed in its investigation and discussion, the greatest length ot
time. We need make no remarks upon. the general principles, upon
which the friends of the tariff of duties vindicate such a system. The pro.
priety of encouraging the industry of our own citizens, in preference to
that of other nations; of multiplying their sources of employment, and


consequent means of support; of not only encouraging the industry, but
promoting the enterprize and skill of our mechanicks; of creating a home
market for thesurplus produce of our farms, by purchasing from American
factories and workshops, rather than from those of England andother parts
of Europe, is at this day, too universally acknowledged in Kentucky, to re-
quire an argument to support it; even if the limits of an address like this,
would permit. Indeed, the point in contest, on this subject, between the
two contending parties in this state, seems to be, which is entitled to the
credit of having most contributed, to the passage of the bill, at the late
session. It has been emphatically styled," a Jacksop tariff," and to the
South, has been falsely ascribed the almost entire credit of its support.
A more palpable fraud was never attempted to be palmed upon the cre-
dulity of any people. Can there be a more fair and satisfactory mode of
ascertaining the devotion of either party to the principles of the system,
than the vote whicb they respectively gave upon the passage of the bill
in both houses of Congress Why has not that vote been exhibited by
those who have attempted to impose on the publick, the erroneous im-
pression, that it was a Jackson tariff The answer is obvious: it would
lbave defeated their fraudulent attempt. The journals will shew, that
while a large majority of.the friends of the Administration voted for the
bill, a large majority of the Jackson party voted against it. Not a single
member favorable to the election of General Jacksen, from the states of
Vir-inia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana,
MisFissippi or Tennessee, voted for the bill on its passage, in either house,
except Senator Eaton. Yet it would be unjust, because untrue, to de-
clare that the whole Jackson party voted against it. We do not believe
that those of that party, who. thus opposed its passage, were influenced by
their devotion to the election of General Jackson; nor is there the slight-
est reason to suppose, that the Administration party are opposed to the
priiuciples upon which a tariffof duties is founded; because amajdrity of the
party voted for the bill, imperfect as some of therd insisted it was; many
of those who voted against it, declaring themselves friendly to the system,
and opposing the passage of the bill, on the ground only, of what they con-
sidered an unjust and unprofitable imposition of burthens upon the people
w hom they represented.
   Such a subject never has and never can be presented to the Congress
of the United States, without producing great excitement, and even
among its friends strong collision of opinion. Such, it is well known,
was the case when the bill of 1324 was under consideration. The en-
couragement given to the production of any article of necessity or com-
fort, is of national importance; because all, to some extent, may share its
benefits; but until competition shall have reduced its price, the benefits
are more immediately felt by those engaged in the production of such ar-
ticle. The ultimate benefit of the reduction of price, as well as the more
important consideration of our being placed in a condition, as to the ar-
ticle, independent of foreign nations, is too often partially overlooked
even by its friends; and hence the difficulty of reconciling the conflicting
views of those representing, what is by some considered conflicting inter;
  To insist that to the good feeling of the South towards the West we are
indebted for the passage of the bill, is worse than ridiculous. Do you not
all know. that the people of the South, almost to a man, are most decided


ly opposed to such a bill for any purpose except for revenue       ID6
we cat at thisvcry time, behold them labouring under a most lamentable
state of excitement, growing out of this very bill, which hag led to the
verb verge of a dissolution of the Union, a patriotic but deluded people
Eave you not noticed the inflammatory. speeches of some of their most
diAti'.guisiitd leaders; the rash and violent resolutions of their conven-
tions, and sorne of their still more violent toasts, in which they speak of
Kentaucky Hemp as better suited for cravats for us, than for the Cotton
Bagging of the South   We wish that we courld in this Address lay be-
fore every one of you, the remarks of Mr.   icIDuffie of South Carolina,
one'of the leaders of the Jackson party in Congress, delivered at a pub-
lic dinner given to him and Mr. Mlar-tin. A few extracts must, suffice-
In speaking of the prospects ot the South in connexion with the Tariff, he
  "' A Govetonment formed for her protection determined and resolved to posh eve-
ry matter to her utter ruin and annihilation. . Taxed to the amount of 10,000,000
per anaum---her commerce destroyed, her staples depressed to nothing..--her citi-
zens in debt and her government regularly and progressiveli increasing these un-
bearable evils, to enrich a set ofrnercenary, desperate politicians, who regularly
barter sod sell the interest of this country, at every renewal of the Presidential elect
tion. It was nothing more nor less than a selling and buying of the Presidency
The people of one portion of the Uniond were corrupted. bought and sold by the mo-
ney of another part, with a desperation and depravity nevee before ezbibited in any
times. It was insufferable. None but a coward would bear it."
   And again,
   "The coninlerce of the Western States was but triffing in any otber article, tbaa
hogs, mules. horses and cattle, whrcb were bought by the Souitbern Stated. Yet
Kentucky was unanimous in voting for theTariff- Sbe had done all she could to de-
stroy otircommerce and to ruin the market of our staples.. It weas high time she too
should he made tofeut the effects of ike loiw price of our productions. No necesstty on
earth should induce a Carolhnian to buy a hog, horse, mede or cow from that country.
We most of necessity raise our own. How can we buy from them, witiioit involv-
ing ourselves in utter ruin. it was madness in us any longer to carry on asicb a dis-
advantageous commerce-and more especially with a people, desperately befit
through the wicked influence of one man, on the ruin and annihilation of ibe South-
arn pwrtion of lhb UDion."
  Who is this one man through whose wicked influence, in Mr. McDuffie's
opinion, the Tariff bill passed, by which the South is to be ruined  'Nill
any man of common sense say that he meant Andrew Jackson       No, the
one mhan alluded to is Henry Clay, the most able and efficient advocate of
the AMERICAN SvST1rM, who has ever appeared o01 the floor of Congress;
a man who by his eloquence and power of argument, has contributed
more to its popularity, than all those combined, who are now shamefully
engaged in persecuting and slandering him. If Mr. AlcDuffie then may be
considered as speaking Southern opinions, the bill should be termed a
Clay, not a Jackson-Tariff.
  We are not disposed however to ascribe the exclusive credit of aid-
ing in passing the bill to either party.  [hat the main object of a ma-
jority of-the Jackson party waS to defeat it there can be no doubt; but
that those, 'who on the passage of the bill voted -for it, did so from the
best convictions of theirjudgments, is not questioned. We disdain to
snake charges against any man or set of men, without just grounds of
proof. We leave the province of malignant slander, to those who seem
to delight to breath itstaited atmosphere; who riot in its filth, and hope


to fatlen on its spoij. Not only AMr. Clay but his. Western friends, ba a
been often denouneed as having joined inaleague, with Northern men
toadvance him to the Presidency., even atithe sacrifice of W-estern inr
lerests. In such a time as thi, when the most pure and exalted patriots
of the. country, have been subjected to the scurrility and wanton abuse,
of the unprincipled minions of a most unhallowed ambition; the most hum-
ble who havp been, in nriy way connected wv ithi the present Administra-
tion, need alt hope entirely to escape censure. We feel a consciousness
of having acted on all occasions from the best convictions of our judg.
ments, and earnestly hope that the measures which we have advocated
may redound to the general good.
   With a concise view of a few other matters we should have closed
 this Address, without adverting to the Presidential election, or any thing
 connected with it, except so far as it might be deemed necessary, in giv,
 ing a view of the proceedings of the last session of Congress.
   We should have pursued that course, under a conviction that the only
legitimate object of such an address, is to lay before our constituents the
proper information coucerning the proceedings of Congress, and as to
the condition of the nation. 'But no option in this matter has beenaeft
to us by the friends of General Jackson. The President to whose re-
election you know we are favourable, is represented as a deceptions and
unprincipled intriguer, a federalist, an aristocrat and monarchist. Va-
rious other charges of folly and corruption are made agaitist him and the
Administration generally, without in our opinion, the slightest foundation
upon which to support them. It is an easy matter to pxhibit charges
against the best and wisest of men. 'T'he most immactiite p4rity of
character, the most disinterested devotion to country, through the great-
erpartofalongand well spentli-fe, form no obstaclestosuch assaults,
howevecr they may serve as antidotes against their influence. Washing-
ton was charged, through the malevolence of his enemies, with an improp-
er leaoing towards British interests. His Administration too, like that
of the present day, was the sulbject of the most bitter invective and'scur-
rilous abuse. And when towards its close, the representatives in Con-
gress of a grateful people, proposed an address of thanks to him, contain-
il a wish that the example set by him might be the guide of his succes-
sors, twelve men only in the American, Codgress, were found who ven-
tured to vote against it. of which number was Gen. Andrew Jackson.
  To even mention without giving any minute account of the services per-
formed by Mr. Adams, in the various important stations which he has filled
during a lapse of thirty four or five years, would occupy more room than could
he devoted to it in this addreas; and to answer all the false charges circulated
against him and the present Administration would require volumes. Avery
concise view, however, of his political life, with a few remarks, as to some of
the matters for whieh he and the Administration have been denounced, may not
be uninteresting to some of you.
  Mr. Adams first made his appearance as a politician and statesman in 17.93;
being only about 20 years of age, and proved himself to be even then an able
writer, by his essays in favour of Gen. Wishingtori's- Administration. Before
Mr. Jefferson's retirement from the office of Secretary of State, which he held
under WashingtoD, he recommended him to the General as a proper person to
be introduced into the service of the countiy. It is said that his writing had
attracted the attention ot Gen. Washington. Certain it is that ;n 1794, when
only about twenty-seven years of age, he was noniinate4 by Gen. Washingtoo


and appointed a Minister resident to the Netherlands. le was also appointed
by Washington as Minister Eienipotentiary to Portugal. On his way, from the
Hague to Lisbon, he received a new commnission, changing his destination to
Berlin-His appintment to Berlin was made by his father, who had previously
consulted Gen. Washington on the subject, who in a letter dated February 20th
1797, addressed to Mr. Adams (the elder) relating to that matter said,

   I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is the most valuable publick char-
 acter we-bave abroad; and that there remains no doubt, but he will prove bimself to
 be the ablest of all our diplomatic corps. If he was to be brought into that line or
 into any other publicls walk, I could not, upon the principle, wbich bat regulated
 my own conduct, disapprove of the caution which is hinted at in your letter. But
 he is already entered; the publick more and more as he is known, are appreciating
 bis talents and wortb; and his country would stsain a loss, if these were to be cbeck-
 ed'by over delicacy on yuour part.  Signed,  GEORGE WASHINGTON."
   He remained at Berlin until the spring of 1801, and therefore took no part
 in the bitter contests of the political parties, which were organized during his
 Father's Administration. In 1802 he was elected to the Senate of Massachu-
 setts-Ia 1803 he was elected to the Senate of the United States. Whilst per-
 forming the duties of that station he incurred, by the support which he gave to
 certain measures of Mr. Jefferson's Administration, the displeasure of the le-
 gislature of his State, which was composed of a majority of federalists. They
 elected a man to succeed Mr. Adams, whose political opinions accorded better
 with their own: and he resigned before the period for which he had been elect-
 ed had expired.
   In June 1809 he was appointed by Mr. Madison as Minister to Russia. By
Mr. Madison also, he was placed at the head of the commission of five, who ne-
gotiated with Great Britain the treaty which terminated our last war with that
nation. He was shortly afterwards engaged with Mr. Clay and Mr. Gallatin
in forming a commercial treaty with the same nation. Havng been appointed
by Mr. Madison as our Minister to London, he remained at that place until the
election of Mr. Monroe to the office of President, who appointed him Secretary
of State, in which station he remained ubtil his own election in 1825.
  About this time Gen. Jackson advised Mr. Monroe in the selection of his
Ministry, to avoid party and party feelings; and to select from the federal as
well as republican ranks.  Mr. Monroe would not follow this advice, be-
cause he said, "that the association of any of the federal party in the Adminis-
tration would wound the feelings of its friends to the injury of the Republican,
cause." Gen. Jackson in a letter to Mr. Monroe dated March 18th 1817, speak-
iing of his selection of Mr. Adams as Secretary of State, says: ,I have no hesi-
tation in saying you have made the best selection to fill the Department of
State that could be made. Mr Adams, in the hour of difficulty, will be an able
helpmate, and I am convinced, his appointment will afford general satisfac-
tion." Such we believe to have been the opinion of a large majority of the peo-
ple of the United States.
  But since it has become an object of ambition with Gen, Jackson to fill the
Presidential Chair, art ambition (of which considering his course through life,
and his entire want of qualification, the history of the world does not afford a.
parallel) he who in 1817, was of all otheri most properly selected to fill an of-
ice, second in importance to the Presidency only, is now represented by him
as an arch and unprincipled intriguer.
  To the very day of the last Presidential election, we hear of no charge made
by the Gen. against Mr. Adams; so far from it, his own witness, Mr. Buchan-
nan, proves that he spoke of him in terms of the highest respect. How and
under what circumstances he has since spoken of him and Mr. Clay you all


   Yet awainst Wim  who enjoyed the confidence of Washinoton andof Jefrr-
 son to te day of their death; and who still enjoys that of Madison and Mon'
 rue, the poisoned arrows of malice and envy are levelled in vain. his ene-
 mies may traduce his character; and those who are out, but ambitious of pow-
 er, may hope to-surcced by raising a false clamour about corruption, extrava-
 gance, c. but the people, however, for a moment they may have been bewil-
 dered by the wily arts of aspiring demagogues, and the falsehoods which have
 been scattered in every direction through the country, from the pressesof mer-
 c'enary editors and writers, have marked the course of the present Administra-
 tion, and have too much intelligence to be thus gulled.
   They have witnessed the most extraordinary spectacle of an Administration
 condemned as utterly corupt, whilst most of its enemies except in the South,
 dare not oppose its leaditg and most important measures, nay of actually
 proving and urging that they are more devoted friends of them than even tie
 Adminibtration party.
   They may chatter about pictures of Indians, and paying Jerry Smith ii
 blacking their shoes and boots, and Jimmy Tennison for their reboard,' and
 about the wages of extra Clerks and messengers or bearers of despatches riding
 in post chaises instead of mail stages, (as the President in his plain style some-
 times travels.) But it will not effect the desired object. The tide of publick
 opinion is setting with a bold and resistless current against the "Military CfMef-
 tain," "s the hero of two wars," who born in 1767, learned his principles of re-
 publicanism as he tells us, in the dapysand from the sages of the revolution.
 Where he imbibed his notions of charity -and justice towards the motives and
 characters of his competitors, which taught him to suppose that it was quite
 fair and honourable to exhibit unfounded charges against them, so' that they be
 made by "his own fireside," we are yet to be informed.
   Calculations, in no such case, can be made with absolute certainty, but we
believe the votes of the States will stand as follows:
               For 4dams                             For Jackson
    Maine             . -      9        South-Caroliha    -      -   1L
    New Hampshire     -   -    8        Georgia   -     -    -   -   9
    Massachusetts     -    -  15        Alabalha  -     -    -   -   5
    RChode-Island   -      -   4        Tennessee -     -    -   -   11
    Connecticut   -   -    -   8        Mississippi       -    -     3
    Vermont    -   -  -    -   7        Illinois   .    -    -   -   2
    Nw-York   .   -   -   -   26        Missouri   -                 3 -  3
    New-Jersey        -    -   8        New-York        -   -        10
    Delaware      -   -   -   3
    Maryland      -   -    -  10                                    54
    Ohio     -    -   -   ,   16