xt7ghx15n565_112 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7ghx15n565/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7ghx15n565/data/0000ua001.dao.xml unknown 9.56 Cubic feet 33 boxes archival material 0000ua001 English University of Kentucky The intellectual rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections and Digital Programs.  Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. James K. Patterson presidential papers Group portraits. Political letter writing Kentucky--Lexington. Universities and colleges--Finance. Women's colleges--Kentucky--North Middletown. Patterson Speeches text Patterson Speeches 2016 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7ghx15n565/data/0000ua001/Box_11/Folder_3/0123.pdf undated section false xt7ghx15n565_112 xt7ghx15n565 PRESIDENT JAMES K. PATTERSON
ON
Comments on His Attainments and
Availabilty For Presidency
PERSONAL ESTIMATE
Thinks No Other Aspirant Since Republic Started
Embodies His Qualities

In response to a request by Judge Samuel M. \Vilson of an
expression of opinion by (ex-President Iamcs K. Patterson, of
State University, on the ability and attainments of \\‘oodrow
\Vilson and his availability for the office of President, Mr. Pat-
terson replied as follows:

PRESIDENT PATTERSON’S ESTIMATE
LEXINGTON, Kr, April 30. 1912. ‘
fmz’gr 5.1711115! All. I I 7130/1, [.yxz’ngz‘an, Ky. .-

MY DEAR FRIEND—I am in receipt of your letter of the
27th inst, requesting my opinion of Governor Woodrow Wilson,

' his ability, attainments, and availability for the high office to
which he aspires.

I am not, as you know, a politician, though I have, during
the course of a long life, given some attention to political affairs.
I have not kept pace with the various phases of the present
presidential campaign. and hence know the political status of the
leaders only in a general way. \Vhat I say shall. therefore, be

 without prejudice to any of the great Democratic leaders now in
the field, any one of whom would 'fill the presidential chair with
dignity and ability. I shall make no invidious comparisons
between Governor Wilson and his rivals for the Democratic
nomination.
I believe that heredity counts for quite as much in men as
in the lower orders of animated existence. If this be true, Gov.
ernor Wilson has the advantage, to begin with, of an heroic
ancestry, trained in the school of self-denial and stimulated by
the spur of necessity. Hardihood, self-reliance, strong convic-
tions, sound moral principles, a courage fearless but not reckless,
tact, discretion, sobriety of judgment, these are among the
characteristics of the stout breed of men and women reared in
.v the home of his ancestors and transmitted in full measure to his ‘
immediate forebears on this side of the Atlantic.
These are the qualities characteristic of Governor Wilson to-
day. They have been neither obscured nor diluted nor obliter-
ated in the VVilsons and VVoodrows of America, and are quite as
persistent and obtrusive in the land of their adoption as among
the straths and glcns and mountains of their original home.
The inherited ability of Governor Wilson found opportunity
for development through an education, the best that the country >
could afford. His admirable training in Columbia, S. C., pre—
pared him for the undergraduate work of Princeton, where he
graduated with honors in 1879. This was followed by post-
graduate work at Johns Hopkins, where he took the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy in 1886, and where he laid the foundation -
for the work in historical research and political philosophy which
has since in great measure occupied his life. Here he was
grounded in the politics and economics of Aristotle, the Republic
of Plato, the profound discussions of Grotius. Vattcl and Blunt-
schli, upon the law of nations. Here he worked out and collated
the material for the great work which brought him prominently
before the American people and ranked him with Lccky and
Bryce and Lowell and Taswell-Langmead and Gneist, as a star
of the first magnitude. HThe State-Elements of Historical and
\“ractical Politics,” published in 1888, when only thirty-two V
years of age, astonishes the student by its strong grasp of prin-
ciple, its abundance of material, its wealth of illustration, and its
' admirable historical and political perspective. This work, which
I consider in many respects' his magnum opus, made his reputa-
tion as a thinker and a writer on both sides of the Atlantic.
In quick succession there followed from his pen HThe Old
Masters and Other Political Essays;” “Division and Reunion,
1829-1889;” HGeorge Washington;” and the ”History of the
American People,” which takes rank in point of ability with "
Green’s history of the English people.
.,.

 He has thus covered practically the whole field of history
and politics. frotnSolon and Peisistratus to Stubbs and Bryce,
De Tocqueville and Montaigne. Meanwhile, he had studied law
at the University of Virginia and obtained license to practice at
«the bar, had become in succession Professor of History and Po-lv
:itics at Bryn Mawr, in the \Vesleyan University of Connecticut,
and in 1890 Professor of jurisprudence at Princeton University,
and Lecturer on Administration at Johns Hopkins. From 1902
[until 1910 he was President of Princeton University. Honorary
degrees from Tulane, Johns Hopkins, Rutgers, Brown, Harvard,
Dartmouth and Yale attest the high estimate in which he is held
by the great universities and colleges of America.

‘ No aspirant for political honors since the foundation of ‘
the Republic has brought into the arena greater natural ability, '
more profound and varied scholarship. a larger field of polit-
ical and historical research, a more intimate knowledge of
political conditions, the relations of the governing to the gov-
erned, the co—ordination of the functions of civil government,
the relations of equity and common law, the influence of the
civil law upon modern jurisprudence, the growth and develop-
ment of free government, the scope of international law,—all

’ these are equally familiar to him and all collectively form the ‘
immense store-house, the immense thesaurus at his command.

In great national crisis, the attention of the public naturally
turns to such a man. When with the ability and attainments of
Governor Wilson you associate the uprightness, the integrity, the

' candor, the straight-forwardness and the clean moral life, resting .
upon the sanction of deepseated religious convictions, the public
feels that here is a man capable, experienced, trustworthy, able -
to guide a university, to rule a state, or to conduct the affairs of
a nation. No dilettante, no tyro, no political adventurer devoid
of convictions, wearing the sandals of Theramenes, and measur-
ing with a Lesbian rule, but a man of force, of earnestness and
integrity of purpose, such a man as would have rejoiced the
heart of Thomas Carlyle, and worthy to stand in the category of

.7 Cromwell and Pitt, of \Vashington and of Lincoln. H * ' ‘ ‘

It is said sometimes that Governor \Vilson has changed his
opinions upon grave questions of public policy. Well, that is
not without precedent. Mr. Gladstone began his political career
as a conservative and ended it as a liberal. Sir Robert Peel
entered parliament as a protectionist and closed his political
career by leading a movement for the repeal of the Corn laws.
Anti-slavery men were mobbed in Boston in 1825 and in 1860
Abraham Lincoln was elected President. Changes of opinion

_/ have changed the course of human history. The change of
opinion in Luther, Zwingli and Calvin and Knox and Cranmer
and Ridley created Protestantismf The change of opinion in

,. ‘1 , ,

 \Vashington, Adams, Jefferson and Franklin and \Vitherspoont
caused them to renounce their allegiance to'the British crown:
and created a nation. Conditions change. The glacier moves
resistlossly forward, and if we fail to move with it, we become
moraines stranded upon the mountain side.
“Humanity sweeps onward ;
\\‘liere today the martyr stands,
Tomorrow crouclies Judas,
. ~ With the silver in his hands;
And the booting mob of yesterday
In silent awe returns 7
To glean up the scattered ashes
lnto history’s golden urns.”
The nation grows from infancy to maturity and to manhood.
Modifications of former opinions are legitimate as conditions
change, but this is not convertible with the capricious tergiversa-
tion of the political adventurer, who trims his sails to catch every
breeze. Civic evolution is the law of nature, and the intelligent
' citizen participates in the development. \Vhatever may be said
of Governor Wilson, it cannot be said of him as of the Bourbons

r after the Restoration: "They have learned nothing and forgotten
nothing.” He has both learned and has forgotten. \\7hat is

, new and approved in political morality he learns and assimilates;
what is obsolete he leaves behind as an anachronism. This is of
the essence of wise statosmanship. The wise statesman knows

. what should be done and he knows how to do it.

Fairly interpreted, I see no change in Governor \Vilson’s
views, expressed or implied, which is not in entire harmony
with an intelligent interpretation of existing conditions, and an
honest effort to direct and to lead to the attainment of the best

i possible results. . ‘

‘ I am, my dear Sir, With much respect,

Your obedient servant,

l lAMES K. PATTERSON.

l

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i A N! A D D R E S S j
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J Commencement Day, June 2, 1886,

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1' JAS. K. PATTERSON, P11. D. , F. S. A., 1
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‘ g PRESIDENT, :: LEXINGTON, :: KENTUCKY. 3
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‘ PIVRLISHED BY ORDER OF BOARD OF TRESTEES. y]
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/ FRANKFORT, KY: 1
tin-nun, Orncz, JOHN D. \\'oons, I‘L'nLn' PRINTER .\ND BINDER.
1886.

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7
, ‘ ADDRESS ON COMMENCEMENT DAY
, BY JAS. K. PATTERSON, PH. D., F. S. A.,
PRESIDENT OF THE STATE COLLEGE OF KENTUCKY.
. ; [Published by order of the Board of Trustees]
l
, ‘
i In the absence of Governor Knott, who was invited to address you, I proposc to
7 ‘ occupy your time for a few minutes with a brief retrospect. It is the custom with all
g ' engaged in mercantile pursuits and in inanut‘aeturinlgr enterprise, to take an inventory
of stock at stated periods, and from conclusions, based upon trustwurthy data, to
‘ determine whether their business be prosperous or the reverse; whether they be bold-
ing their own, advancing or losing ground, and in the light of the information thus
I obtained, to determine the policy of the future.
' This is not, by any means, the first time that the College has taken a retrospect
. of its operations. This is done by the Board of Trustees annually, but on no previous
occasion have the public been taken into the confidence of the College authorities as
- I propose to do to-dav. '
, Twenty-one years have elapsed since the Agricultural and Mechanical College
.‘m was established. These Colleges owe their existence to the act of Congress of 1802,
. i: donating lands to the States for this purpose, in proportion to representation. The
, i allotment to Kentucky was 830,000 acres—a magnificent endowment it’ it had
, ‘i been judiciously and economically managed. The State committed the mistake of
i ' ii' attaching the College created under the act to one of the denominational colleges of
" 7 the Commonwealth, instead of putting it at once upon an independent basis. The
land scrip was sold for titty cents per acre, the proceeds invested in Kentucky six per
. l . 7 )7 cent. bonds, of which the State Treasurer became the custodian, and the income from
- i l ; this invested fund was directed to be paid over annually to the Trustees of the Ken-
' ' , . i tucky University, the institution to which it was attached, so long as the connection
’ existed. The Legislature reserved the right to dissolve the relation at any time. The
'— .‘ 2 . Legislature required that the Kentucky University should provide, within a reasona-
7 i i 7 LI . '7" i5, . ble time, a farm worth not less than $100,000, for the use of the Agricultural College
.7 .7 . , t i for experjnicntal purposes, tllltl it Mechanical Department for practical instruction in
".'i" '.

 i I
. 2 (ZOMBTENCEM l‘lNT DAY ADDRESS.
the Mechanic .\rts. The first condition was in part met by the citizens of Lexington
. and vicinity, whosubscrihed the money for the purchase of the farm. The second was I
;. in part met by a donation for the erection 01‘ buildings and the equipment of a .\le- i
' ehanieal Department. The State, moreover, advanced $20,000 to set the lnstitution i
going. In 1860, twenty years ago, the Agricultural College opened. lts matriculates
i increased from year to year till, in 1809—70, the maximum was reached. From that
i ymlr its attendance began to decline, owing to causes the diseussion ot‘ which are not I
- appropriate to this occasion. In 1878, the Legislature of that year sent a committee to I
E Lexington to investigate the condition ot’ the College—itsrelations and its work. They ‘
i found the number of students to be about 75. They found that its .\leehanical Depart— x
ment had practically closed. They found that its Agricultural Department consisted
i of ordinary farming and gardening, with no attempt to do experimental work. They
I found that adequate College buildings had new-r been provided; that the title to the
l estate purchased as its site was vested in the Kentucky University. The committee. ‘
unanimously reported to the Legislature, advising the dissolution of the relationship at
the end of the collegiate year then current. “hen the dissolution Was etl'eeted, the
‘ , Agricultural College was just where it had been thirteen years before. It had its endow-
ment fund in the custody of the State Treasurer, viz, the proceeds ot the sale of 3:30,—
- 000 acres of land at titty cents per acre. But it had nothing else. It had no lulildings,
no lalmratories. library", museums or physical apparatus. It. had no t'arm, no shop. The,
State found that the $20,000 which it had advanced was irreeoverably gone. The ques—
tion then eame up, what shall the State do with it‘.’ The Legislature appointed a com-
; . mission of eleven men to do three things: to make arrangements for its provisional
ii existence till the meeting of the next Legislature; to advertise for and receive bids from
those towns which desired to have the College established in their midst; and to prepare
t and present to the next General Assembly the outlines ol‘ an Institution, such as the 7
dignity, the traditions and the educational wants ofthe Comnmnwealth required. These i
E duties they discharged. Bowling (alreen and Lexington were competitors for the i"
é location of the College. The latter offered to the Legislature of 1870—80 the City ' '
} Park, the present site, and $110,000 in city bonds, to he used for the erection of build—
ings, which oll'er the County (.‘ourt supplemented by $20,000 in county bonds, to be
used for the erection of buildings or the purchase of land. Bowling (lreen otl'ered
: 5330.000, and a connection with a local institution, ()gden College, such as the State
: had tlnwnerly made with the Kentueky L'niversity. The commission accepted the
.' oll'er of Lexington, and the Legislature accepted and ratified the reeoinmendation.
g The Legislature then proeeeded to rte—organize the College upon a basis entirely
i unden the Legislature to be present. The correspondence with Mr. \Vatterson made it

" doubtful whether, on account of his business engagements, he could accept the invita-

, tion, and on the 17th of November, I went to Louisville to confer with him in person.

i

..

=- .

 ' 4 COMMENCEMENT DAY ADDRESS.

()n the morning of the .18th, while in Louisville, I read in the columns of the Courier—
Journal a manifesto issued by the denominational colleges of Kentucky, six in num-

i her. assailing the principle of State aid to the State College, and calling upon the peo-

, plc of the Commonwealth to insist on the repeal of the tax levied for its benefit. It is

. not my purpose to discuss this paper. I concluded that I could not do better than to

: remain in Louisville one day longer, and to answer in the next issue of the Courier—

! . Journal the appeal of the presidents of Colleges and presidents of boards of trustees

5 whose names were appended to the document. The arguments in favor of repeal

l appeared on the 18th. 011 the 19th the plea for the maintenance of the State College

; likewise appeared. The Senators and Representatives, who were expected to receive

' and digest the appeal of the colleges against aid to the State College in the brief

i interval between its reception at their 'homes and their departure for the seat of gov-

l ernmcnt, had only one day less in which to consider the plea of the State College for
the continuance of State aid.
0n the assembling of the Legislature, it soon became manifest that the State Col-

: loge question would be one of the questions of the session.

3 Shortly after the Legislature assembled, a bill was introduced to repeal the tax
levied for the benefit of the College. Early in January the subject was brought be-
fore a committee of the House in an elaborate argument by Dr. lleatty, of Centre Col-
lege, to which argument reply was made by the President of the College a few days
later. In add1tion to the question of expediency and justice of State aid to an
Institution owned and controlled by the Commonwealth. the question of the constitu-

' tionality of the tax was raised and argued before the committee by an ex-Chief-Justice,

i one of the ablest lawyers at the bar. Reply was made by counsel. For weeks and

1 months the assault and defense went on with unllagging' energy. WVhen finally the

f matter came before the House for action, the motion for repeal was laid on the table

- by a handsome majority, and thus the famous legislative contest of 1881-2 ended. ,

; After the adjournment, however, suit was brought in the Chancellor’s Court in '

5 Louisville to test the constitutionality of the act. Simultaneously a test case was

‘ made in the Circuit Court of )lagoflin county. The decision of the Chancellor’s
Court and of the Magofiin Circuit Court both affirmed the constitutionality of the
tax. Appeal was taken. and the case argued before the Supreme Court in the
Spring of 1883. But no decision has yet been reached by the Court of Appeals.

1 The cause of the College, the cause of superior education for the industrial

' classes, has thus far triumphed all along the line. Three successive Legislatures have

5 refused to disturb the settlement of 1879—80.

é Let us now look at the relative status of the College in 1882 at the conclusion of

, the great legislative contest and to-day. Had the assailants known our financial embar-

g rassment, it would materially have compromised our prospects and weighted us in the

'a struggle. On the completion and equipment of our buildings we found ourselves

i $36,000 in debt. Nearly half of this amount was due to the professors of the College,

1 whose salaries remained for that year unpaid. 87,000 were borrowed from the North-

:3 cm Bank on personal security to meet the most pressing Obligations and notes exc-

l
i;

 COMMENCEMENT DAY ADDR E35. 5
outed for the balance. So stood the case at. the close 01' the fiscal your 1881—2. How
stands the 0:180 to-(luy ‘.’ Every cont of the obligations of t (. College. principal and
intcrcst, has been paid. Thousands of dollars have meanwhile bccn expended in midi-
tion for laboratory cquipmculs l'oi- microsmpcs, SpN‘tl‘oScopOF, polm‘iscopcs and other
material. Tbrcc well equipped laboratories for general chemistry. organic clicmistry
and agricultural chcmistry. and for tlic experimental station, have been provided.
\Vitbiu Llic lust your the Normal School has bccn strengthened by doubling the cf- ‘
l'cctivc Work of‘ tlic (lcpm'tmcut proper. Within the lost your. too. the most import—
ant step \Vl1l('ll bus-over been taken towards, realizing" tlic idea of agricultural [ruining
mid cxpcrimcut was taken by the Exccutive Committee, viz, the establishment of an
experiment station for work oxclusivcly experimental. Illldcl‘ the charge of a com- ‘
potent director its bullctius lmvc ulrczuly utt'ructctl attention from widely (lifi‘ei‘ent

' quarters and havc tzikcu rank among the bc>t publications of the kind in the country. , I»

Under the auspices of tlic director :1 mcusurc requiring all fertilizers used in the Coin-
mouweultli to be analyzed at this station, and by the ollicers of this College, with safe-
guards for tlic protection of the llll‘lnt'l‘, was pusswl by the chislnturc. Every pack-
age sold licnccf‘orth in Kcutuc y will bear tlic imprimufm' of the College and bring
the fact of its cxistcncc 11ml ils work home to cvcry purchaser in the State. Murc-
Ovci', the cll'cctivc work of tho l’l‘cpumtory Department. 2111 indispensable l'caturc of
tlic Institution, has been largely Increased sincc 1882.

“70 have no controversy with the (lcuomin:itionul colleges of the land \Vc bid
tlicm God—spoml in their work. 'l‘lici-c is, room for tlicm mill for us. We believe that
the net result of the contcst has done them good :13 well as us. It has stimulated
them to provide for the necessities of the youth 01' licutuc y by the cll‘ort to in— ,
crease their cmlowmcnts, to lcngthcu their cords nml to strengthen their stukcs. Un—
der :1 mistaken apprehension of injurious ("eiiipotitiou resulting from the 1‘1-cc scholar—

. Ship, clicup tuition and culm‘gcd facilities providctl by tho Stzitc Collegc, they assailed

' the justice. tllc oxpcdicucy and the (‘(lll$lltlltl(lllllllly of State Hill to :1 Suite Institution.
These fears wcrc groundless. Their patronage instead of diminishing has grown, and
they, as we. are more prosperous now tlum tlicy were four years ago.

Twenty-one ycni‘s is the limit of minority. The State Collch has :ittuiuctl its
majority. It stands erect to-tlay, having: [assctl through :1 struggle for existence the
severity of which no one knows so wcll us be who now :ullll‘CSSCS you. There have
been periods when for weeks at :1 time I (lid not know the satisfaction of a sound
night’s sleep, undisturbed by the (liflicultics and dangers which bcsct the State
College. That period is past. The State College has survived all and is here to stay. ,
Its Trustees never (lcspuirccl. Its Faculty bore privution, and borrowed money to
supply the want of unpaid salaries. “To have survived our perils, paid our debts. en-
larged our sphere of educational activity. This is the not result of twenty-one years.
and with pleasure and pride I prompt you this balance sheet to-(luy. We 'm‘e, so fur
as we know, in peace and charity with all. This much we know, we are not volun-
ta1-ily,ancl never intend to be. a disturbing element. in the educational interests of
Kentucky. Our mission is to extend the boundaries of human knowledge by instruc-

 (i COMMENCEMENT DAY ADDRESS.
tion and experiment, to aid the youth of the (..‘iunmouwealth. especially the hardy, the Now
industrious, the energetic. whose means will not provide an education elsewhere, with might
1 an education equal to the best that can be gotten within the limits of Kentucky or out tions
i of it. The State (.‘ollege has made a good beginning in this direction. It will, while the is:
not excluding classical instruction, address itself mainly to those branches of learning Atlali
" which me most nearly related to industrial enterprise. \Vhile not neglecting those States
1' sciences. which relate principally to the cultivation of the mental faculties. it will ad— ‘ healtl
dress itself mainly to the work of instruction and discovery in those departments 01' 54'"
i - which concern themselves with Nature and natural processes. with the physical sci- . man 1
1‘ ences. with the laws of matter, with the laws of organization, animal and vegetable. ' ("Tim
1' It will, moreover, endeavor to prepare its students, by means of a sound disciplinary ‘ N” 1M
~ ' training in civil history and in moral and political philosophy, for entering upon the '1 that i
1 1 _ privileges and responsibilities of citizenship in this mighty nation. i a in“
' I can not allow this occasion to pass without saying a few words suggested by the ' “1'“ 1'
l circumstances in which we find ourselves to-day. In one form orothcr, rpiestionscon- ‘ j the C
1 nected directly or indirectly with education meet. us on every hand. They meet us in i “m“
1 the newspaper, on the platform, in the Legislature, and in the halls of Congress. :. OXM‘
! They are discussed in the pulpit. in the class—room, by the tiresidc, and by the wayside. .i“"it‘.‘
The well-being of the present and the security of the future depends upon the 1 govei
views which we entertain respecting them. There never was a time in the history of ‘ 3
1 the world when more depended upon the intellect and the morality of men. The ag- \Vhy
i gregate of material wealth. with all the potent intluonces associated therewith, has 1' "W“
i‘ grown within the present century out of all proportion to any increase which ever Emp
1 precaded it. The diffusion of knowledge, which is by no means (amvertible with cdu- H1"
‘1 cation, has: created hopes and stimulated desires such as never existed before. Ques— ““14
tions haVe arisen and problems have presented themselves which were never dreamed king
of centuries ago, except in the cell of the recluse, or the study of the philosopher, his 1
and then in relations and under conditions which differ widely from the environment SW“
. of to—day, ' the 1
i The growth of free institutions, the inalit'lnahle birthright of the English-speaking 1"”?
ii stock, has changed the whole structure of modern society. More than six centuries
have elapsed since .\lagna (‘harta was extortcd from King John, the “ablest and most “”311
worthless of the Augevin Kings.” That piece of barbarous Latin with its rude signa- ““5"
turcs otKilliteraie barons has done more for the divine plant of human liberty than all : own
i the classics of antiquity. To it England owes heryllouse of Commons, America her i orde
i Declaration of Independence and her Constitution, and the States of modern Europe, if 11““
1' their dearly bought and highly prized systems of parliamentary government. To the 1 PH”
3 same parentage belongs the derivative freedom of the Dominion of Canada. and the ‘ i. All"
i other great dependencies which form the most magnificent colonial empire which the i' and
1 Wm‘ld has ever seen, each one in various stages of developnumt, containing the germ 1' 1"“)!
_1 and the potency of an independent nationality whose intluenee will profoundly afi'cct ' B
1 the civrlization of the future. it Sl‘i‘
,
i 0”“ 1”"“11'1‘11 1’0111'111s0 “11‘ 13119111111 tons—“111' 1mS s1101mm 11y12,000,0000r people. i'. “““
i » ’
1 .
1 .

 COMMl‘lNUlCMENT DAY ADDRESS. 7
Now it is the language of 100.000.0thé and they the nohlest, the freest amt the
mightiest peoples in the world. Among other nations and other races, free, institu-
tions may still he said to he on trial with hy no means any thing; like certainty what
the, issue will he. lint among" the linglish—sl'ieaking stock on the other side of the
Atlantic and on this, and in the far—otl' hut thrifty and vigorous and amhitious young ‘
\ States of the South Pacific, \\‘ell-grounded hopes exist that the roots of a genuine,
‘ healthy freedom have struck so deep. and the plant has attained, under ciremnstances
of great trial‘ such healthy, vigorous growtthat the question of the capahility ot'
. man for self—government is now. under proper eonditions, no longer a prohlem but a
' certainty. I have said -‘ under proper conditions." and I use this language advisedly.
‘ .\‘opeople can long; he free unless on these etuIditioiis—inic/ligem-e and more/Hys—
1 that is, they must know their rights, and they must, in their action, he guided hy
g a sense of duty. There are fanatics, whose zeal outruns their intelligence. There
‘ are hypocrites, who simulate a sense of duty in order that they may trade upon
if the eredulity and patriotism of their fellow men. \thn these in any consider-
’ ahle numhers are invested with the privileges of the franchise. they endanger the
1, existem-e of the fahrie of soeiety and of the nation. \Vhen thcs_e constitute a ma—
jority of those who are invested with the privileges of the franchise. they make self
, government impossihle.
‘ Now, I helieve the English-speaking stock to he capahle of self government.
\Vhy'? They have heen addressing themselves to the solution of this prohlem for
- seven hundred years. During the age of llenry and Frederick Barharossa, while the
Emperor of (Germany was on his way to Canossa to place his crown in the hands of
the Roman Pontitl', the harons of England were extortint: civil freedom from their
kings aml refusin