xt7gth8bk75n https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7gth8bk75n/data/mets.xml The Kentucky Kernel Kentucky -- Lexington The Kentucky Kernel 1976-10-28 Earlier Titles: Idea of University of Kentucky, The State College Cadet newspapers  English   Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. The Kentucky Kernel  The Kentucky Kernel, October 28, 1976 text The Kentucky Kernel, October 28, 1976 1976 1976-10-28 2020 true xt7gth8bk75n section xt7gth8bk75n Vol. LXVIII, Number 55

Thursday. October 28, I976

Overt-oats. ski caps and coffee make outdoor classwork
in Plane Surveying a little warmer, but in weather like
yesterday morning's a big problem might bejust keeping
the lens from logging. From left, the students are Kevin

KENTUCKY

an independent student newspaper 1

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Doan, mining engineering freshman; Ken Scott, forestry
sophomore: Tom Williams, mining engineering fresh-
man, and Tim Kahmann, civil engineering sophomore.

2' University of Kentucky

Lexington, Kentucky

Colby calls CIA ‘vital’;

denies Osborn’s charges

A group of about 20 students
staged an orderly protest demon-
stration last night in front of
Memorial Coliseum, where former
CIA Director William Colby was
delivering a speech. The protestors
carried signs and chanted anti-CIA
slogans for about an hour.

inside the coliseum, Colby spoke
to a crowd of approximately 300
persons about the importance of
maintaining the CIA in modern
society. Afterward, he fielded
questions from reporters about the
orga niza tion for which he worked for
23 years.

“I think public opinion generally
supports the need for a CIA,” Colby
said, “and I think public opinion
wants to have a good CIA."

Colby also addressed himself to
some of the charges leveled here on
Monday night by former CIA agent
K. Barton Osborn. Osborn had called
the agency a “murder society,” and
accused Colby of being responsible
for the deaths of almost 50,000 in-
nocent Vietnamese during the war
as part of his Phoenix Assasination
Project.

Journalism system provides modern instruction

It) I)I( K (JABIIII‘II.
Assistant Managing Editor

UK‘s school of journalism his
school) has made a progressive
move paralleled by the graduation
from how and arrow to nuclear
missile.

Starting next week, joumalism
students wil be learning how to
operate Video Display Terminals
(VDT'sL computerized text editing
system.

The system was purchased from
Hendrix Electronics Inc. of Man»
Chester, NH. “The journalism
department got a very good deal,"
said Orrin Young.

An applications engineer for
Hendrix. Young has spent the last
eight days at the UK .Ioumalism
Building. supervising the system‘s

installation and training operators
for its use.

Young said the entire system of
seven terminals and a computer cost
almost $74,000. However, the Kernel
bought three of those terminals,
along with additional equipment, for
$24,000, reducing the J-school’s
overall Dill to $50,000.

The .I-school had originally
planned on purchasing the system
used from the Dunkirk Evening
Observer in Dunkirk, NY. Hendrix
Electronics was to rebuild the
system and sell it to the J school at a
reduced rate.

But the end of Hendrix‘ fiscal year
rolled around before any of that
could beaccanplished. It was easier
to sell the J school a new system at a
reduced priced, rather than wait the
rebuild the old one.

As a result, the J-school saved
almost 35!),000.

But Bob Orndorff, who will teach
the copyreading and editing class
that will be using the terminals,
pointed out a different value. It’s a
fact that it can help students get jobs
if they know how to work these
terminals," Omdorff said.

Young estimated 60 per cent of the
major daily newspapers in the
count; have gone to some type of
VDT system. “It‘s getting to the
point where they can’t afford not to
go to the system," Young said. “The
metro (circulation of 100,000 or
more) dailies are being strangled by
trade unions and they‘re really in a
cost pinch. If they want to stay
competitive as far as advertising
rates are concerned, they almost
have to go to the system."

The VDT system eliminates much
of the need for the middleman in the
typesetting process, making it
possible for the reporter‘s story to be

ready for puinCation almost im-
mediately after it is written.

Nancy Green, student publications
adviser, said there were two reasons
why the Kernel purchased VDT’-
s.“First, it’s a money-saving, time-
saving step,” Green said.“Second,
it's an educational opportuity for
students. The Kernel should not be in
a position where it isn't able to offer
to students who know how to use the
device, an opportunity to operate in
a practical setting.”

The Kernel joins student papers at
the University of Syracuse, Baylor
Univerity and Ohio State University,
among others, in the ranks of college
papers which have gone to the
Hendrix VDT system.

The University of Minnesota also
has a Hendrix system but, according
to Young, comparing that system to
UK’s is like comparing a Continental
to a broken roller skate.

Colby said in answer to those
charges that Osborn’s involvement
with Phoenix was “limited,”and
that “he really didn‘t know anything
about it."

As for the charge that the CIA was
a ”murder society," Colby said that,
while the CIA was guilty of at-
tempting to murder Fidel Castro,
there was no “real proof” that the
CIA was guilty of assasinating
anyone.

Asked about the extent of
domestic spying carried on by the
agency, Colby told reporters that the
CIA participated in no such ac-
tivities, and that reports to the
contrary were “grossly sen-
sationalized.” He also warned
against condemning the whole
organization on the basis of “the
actions of a few.”

One reporter asked Colby if he
thought all the publicity surrounding
the agaicy's activities had hurt it
and its work. Colby replied that
overall, it had caused a certain

He made reference to an agent
who was asasinated in western
Europe last winter after various
newspapers had included his name
in printed lists of CIA “actives."

In answer to inquiries about his
departure from the agency in early
1975, Colby denied that he was made,
as one reporter suggested, "a
sacrificial lamb."

“Definitely not,” Colby said, “I
am very proud of my 23 years with
the CIA and I hold no ill feelings
towards anyone there. George Bush
is doing a fine job and even though
his was a political appointment, I
feel he represents the agency well."

 

Thursday thaw

Sunny and warmer today with
a high in the upper 40’s. Tonight
will be clear and cold with a low
temperature in the upper 20's.

Friday will again be sunny and
warmer, high in the low 50's.

amount of embarrassment and that
it had caused the death of at least
one agent.

 

 

 

0
Greek charity
UK President Otis A. Singletary receives a 3100 check from Sigma Chi
President Keith Knapp. The fraternity had won the annual Peterson award

of $50 for campus involvement and matched that amount yesterday for the
presentation. The warad is given to selected national fraternity chapters

and was donated by Sigma Chi to the UK scholarship fund.

 

 

Kernel Editorial liditor Walter llixson and Editor-in-
(‘hief tiinny Edwards git e one or the journalism
school VIIT's a trial run yesterday. v'le units should

save time and ultimately reduce mistakes in

newspaper work. and they‘re much more fun than
editing with a petrol.

By DICK GABRIEL
Assistant Managing Editor

Remember Hal, the personable computer that
starred in the movie “2001: A Space Odyssey” Maybe
this thing is his brother.

As I type this story, I’m watching it appear on
something similar to a television screen. Actually, it‘s
a Video Display Terminal (VDT). It looks like an
electric typewriter with a TV screen on top.

The school of journalism has purchased a VDT
system, complete with computer and four of these
gadgets (called ”terminals”) like the one I’m
working on. But my terminal belongs to the Kernel.
We purchased three terminals of our own which will
be connected to the J school’s computer.

So from now on. most (and eventually all) of the
stories appearing in the Kernel will be written on these
computer terminals and not on a manual typewriter.
This means we'll be skipping several steps in our
production procedure and ultimately saving money.

But let‘s back up for a moment.

Until now, it took seven procedure steps for a
reporter’s story to find its way into the paper. First,
the reporter typed it manually. Then the copy editor
made any changes necessary and sent it to the
production room.

There, it was typed again into a computer which
produced a perforated tape. The tape was fed into yet
another computer which set the story into these
perfectly even columns you see.

A proofreader then searched the columns for
typtgraphical errors. If any were found, the line in
which it appeared was retyped, using the same
proces mentioned before. Corrections were then
pasted over the errors.

Kernel’s new television units will speed production, save money

After corrections, the story was pasted onto a lay-
outsheet, from which the printers made a metal sheet
and printed the newspaper.

The VDT eliminates the need for the story to be
typed twice. The story is typed directly into the ter-
minal. When the editor feels like reading it, he simply
taps out a code on the keyboard and the story appears
on the screen.

When the editor is finished, he taps a few more keys
and produces the computer tape directly through the
VDT computer.

Then the tape is run through the other computer, the
one that produces the even columns. But nobody will
have to check the columns for errors anymore.
Ideally, the editor will catch them on the terminal
screen and make the proper corrections.

The columns produced are immediately ready for
pasteup.

Our new system enables us to skip the retyping,
proofreading and correction-pasting steps. It means
we won‘t have to hire people just for the purpose of
reading the columns to check for mistakes. We won’t
need perple to come in simply to retype other stories.
In short, this new system will pay for itself.

Our readers will also benefit. Reporters and editors
will be aware of the fact that as many as seven others
will handle the story before it appears in the paper,
possibly catching mistakes. As a result, they'll be
more mistakeconscious and ultimately produce a
better product. We hope.

So be patient with us. There will undoubtedly be
quite a few mistakes appearing on these pages until
we gt! the hang of these contraptions. But we're trying
to make the tramition as painlessly as possible for
you, and for ourselves.

 

 

 

  

 

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Editorials do not represent the opinions of the University

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School Board selections:
Tipton, Thompson, Seals

Tls's fall’s Fayette County School Board
electims provide an opportunity to select
progressive and open-minded administrators.

In recent years, the school board has been
dominated by Superintendent Guy S. Potts and
la's administration. The most important topic
where the school board merely supports ad-
ministra tive flat is the demand of many teachers
for collective bargaining negotiations.

The common denominator in this year’s
elections, collective bargaining, shows how
irllexible the board has become on this issue.
The three incumbents, Mary Ann Burdette, H.lI.
Greene and Donald Herren, will no longer even
cmsider collective negotiations with teachers.
Greene, appointed three years ago by the board,
is certain that the teachers who want bargaining
are being exploited by nationl teachers’ unions.

lierren insists that teachers have ample job
security, though the school board has a policy of
examirs‘ng teachers’ loyalty for four years
before granting tenure. And Burdette expects
teachers to be satisfied with salary increases,
which are still not comparable to neighboring
Sales.

Times are changing. Collective bargaining of
public employes is a modern, and often
necesary means of protecting large groups of
govemmentworkers from administrative whim.
Louisville teachers are one example where
professional collective bargaining has worked
and it is archaic for the Fayette County School
Board to simply dismiss collective bargaining,
much less attempts to “unionize” teachers.

The school board would benefit from a change
in directim and there are highly qualified
altematiVes to the board members now running
for reelection:

FIRSTDISTRICT

Judy Tipton, 36, an associate producer of
programs for eductional television with a
master’s degree in secondary education, reflects
the insight and standards the school board
should adopt. Tipton is open-minded about
cdlective bargaining but will not force it upon
teachers if the majority are unwilling to accept
it. Endased by the Fayette County Education
Association (FCEA), she recognizes the im~
patance in winning more decision-making in-
volvement for teachers in policy and personnel
decisions. Like all candidates, she has cam-
paigned for more citizen involvement and has
prqiosed “citizens advisory committees” to give
public input on school board decisions.

SECOND DISTRICT

Alvin Seals, 42, who narrowly lost the same
electirsi four years ago, is the best and most
qualified choice in this district. An associate
professor of sociology at Kentucky State
University, Seals is familiar with the school
board and the problems facing Fayette County
schools. Seals, too, says he supports collective
bargaining to give teachers needed input on
school board decisions.

Seals and others have complained about the
”Forums” developed by his opponent, li.I-I.
Greene, m, where teachers can with the school
board to discuss issues. The regularly scheduled
meetings often lead to more intimidation of
teachers by the board than constructive
discussion. Scab says Fayette educational
problems are similar to national ones, such. as
finding disciplinary methods which are effective
and fair to children of different socioeconomic
badrgrounds.

THIRD DISTRICT

Mark Thompson, 37, is perhaps the most
qualified candidate. Thompson is the director of
educational development in the state Depart-
ment of Human Resources and holds a doc-
torate degree in education from UK. Pledged to
“fulltime” service if elected, Thompson has

emphasized more active participation by the '

public as a major goal.

lie is considerably more receptive to collective
bargaining than his opponent, Donald Barrett,
and objects strongly'to a current school board
policy which allows principals to ban “con-
trovers‘al” and “offensive” material, with both
types loosely defined.

Thompson also would help the board become
more assertive and independent from the ad-
ministration. “Board members are supposed to
be policy-making members, but I think they’ve
abdicated their responsibility to one strong
administrator, Dr. Guy S. Potts,” he said in a
recent interview.

Tipton, Seals and Thompson are the three most
qualified candidates in the school board elec-
tions. Their realistic views on collective
bargaining and other important issues reflect
not administrative dogma, but a willingness to
listen and change outmoded policy. Also, they
are willing to provide teachers more input on
decisions both in and out of the classroom, and to
encourage greater accountability to, and par-
ticipation by, the public.

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UNDYIN’

Dick Downey

Two-party rivalry produces

four years of this, four of-that .

Iiey there. Remember me? I’m
the colurm that predicted Jerry
Fad would narrowly bump and
slide his way back into the White
lieu: next Tuesday.

I thth offended a few people of
the Carter persuasion in the
procas—but honest, I didn’t mean
to. Alta- all, brilliant political
analysts im’t intended to insult
anybody.

My boss, Dick Downey, was even a
little offended, but that doesn’t
really matter to me. Dick Downey
doesn’t haye anything to do with this
weekly dgtrib‘e any more anyway,
so he ea stick it as far as I'm
concernaE Sure, he bangs those
typewriter keys every Tuesday
ntht, tart I'll tell you something:
I’m “Dick Downey”-—and he’s not,
and you can’t tell me anything
different

Having established my own
identity, separate and independent
from that of the person Dick
Downey, ld’s geton with it. I wanna
tell you about some views of his that

he oomiders personal. God, he’d kill.
meifheknew Iwasdoingthis....

There’s something about the
secrd ballot tradition of this country
that msku him hesitant to want to
tell who he wants for President, for
example.

Well, I don't think he’s going to
chongoany minds or do any damage
wkh his views anyway, so I’m gonna

Getting out the vote is the overriding concern

By LEE W. ROLAND

As Nov. 2 approaches, 1 am sure
that most of you are sick and tired of
hearing the reasons for voting for
this candidate or that—all seem to
be the perfect choice. A more
general subject, however, involves
getting the American public out to
the polls in the first place.

Despite their importance for dem-

 

commentary

 

ocratic government, elections are
in increasing trouble. While turnout
in presidential elections once aver-
aged about so per cent in the latter
half of the 19th Century, the steady
downward swing (approximately 57
per cent in the 1972 election) is
noteworthy. At the some time,
protest has surged—marches, cam-
pus turmoil, police riots and terror-
ist bombings, characteristics of the
1m.

From this turbulent period, which
was too closely followed by the
Nixon fiasco, an astounding sense of
apathy has begun '0 alarm yorrng
Americans. It is possible that when
thematic changes begin to occur,

they are felt most intensely among
those with the least firmly estab-
lished attitudes—notably college-
age voters.

In addition, much of the nonvoting
among young people my be attribu-
ted to the unsettled circumstances of
this age period. Certainly geograph-
ic mobility, possible failure to meet
residence requirements, and the
additional hurdle of registration, all
create barriers to voting for the
young that are less likely to affect
older voters.

Despite the advent of the 20th
Amendment, figures show that only
to per cent of the 18-20 age group
voted in the 1972 presidential elec-
tion and only 51 per cent in the 2144
range.

Indeed, this tends to disprove the
notion that young people are the
most politically active segment of
society.

Despite the fnrstrstlon of the
young at failure to reverse the policy
of military involvement in Southeast
Asia as well as the implications of
the entire role of Watergate, we as
students must not become alienated.
Dissatisfaction with certain leaders
is understandable, but faith in the

political process must not be aban-
doned.

Voting is the most elementary
act of political participation and the
argument that “public officials dorr’t
care much what people like me
think" just isn’t justified.

Elections have a special place in
American history. “No taxation
without reprosentstion”—the battle

cry of the American Revolution—,

asserts that laws are valid only
when made by elected repr'eserite-
tives. The election of Abraham
Lincoln in 1080 triggered the Civil
War, yet also served indirectly to
end slavery.

The election of Franklin Roosevelt
wastointroduceototsllynewroleof
the federal government. It is evidart
that had only a few more people
voted in rm, recent history might
have taken a very different coirrse.

Many nonvoters argue that little
differience exists between the re-
spect ve party tforms;
that they will ggththe amualfo

mstterwhotheyvotefor.11lo.

recently concluded televised do-
bstes have served to more efficient-
ly expose the candidates to the
populace sndtoshowthstthereore
differences.

The Carter-Ford debat- am
with prior election reform ls'ws'
directly serve to promote interest in
this campaign. At last (to s her

extent anyway) we are no longer
tempted by “selling of the presi-
dent”tsctics.

From the debates we have heard
the positions from the. candidates
themselves and have seen that they,
too, are mortal and capable of
making mistakes.

For those dissatisfied with‘ the two
major parties alternatives exist with
other parties and campaigns. The
wide range of these would offer a
platform conducive to almost any-
onc's political beliefs. The import-
ance of this determinant may be
exemplified by the effect George
Wallace had in no.

In any case, participation is the
keyword. Students cannot simply sit
back and be spectator fans in the
political process. Nor must we wait
till middle age prompts political
interest. We are the future of
America and our nation’s future lies
with those who become the pr-esent
lollies.

With these things in mind, every

student should go to the
pollsorrNov.2andvotoforthe
candidate of his or her choice.

 

LeeWJtowlondlso history senior
and Student Government director of
politieslsfloirs.

let you in on them. First of. all.
Gerald Ford is just not Dick’s kind of
President. He likes Jerry Ford kind
of the way helikes Ed McMahon, but
at the same time, he drinks Ed
McMahon probably wouldn't make a
very good President, either. Ver-
dict: Gerald Ford is the product of a
Peter Principle gone berserk.
Then there’s Jimmy Carter. 01’
Dick (from Franklin, Ky., pop.
son) just doesn’t quite trust 01'
Jimmy (you know where he's from,
unless you've been living in a
styrofoam pack'mg crate for the past
year). , '

But what is'it? What is it that turns
him df?!? lie can’t relate it to me
quite like he’d like to, I know. All he
can say is that “Carter gets kind of a
wild look in his eyes when he lets
loose one of those damn grins. I don’t
know, his personality just seems too
impenetrable, so I can’t feel secure
with him. But maybe that’s just the
way he comes across on the tube.
Nixon was that way, too.”

I think I know his real problem
with Carter—and this is so typical of
him. lie can’t get excited about
Carter because he says no matter
who is elected President, the
country still continues to always,
slowly move toward its natural
destination in history, just as all
nations do. lie says historical
precedent dictates that America’s
greatness, for example, must
diminish sooner or later, just as
Great Britain’s has.

The historical perspective also
perceives events as occurring in
cause-effect relationships. Thus, he
says four-year chunks of president-
ial tenure may indeed affect future

 

For Camejo, Reid

The Young Socialist Alliance
urges a vote for the Socialist
Workers candidates Peter Camejo
and Willie Mae Reid next Tuesday.

Briefly, I would like to go over
some of (arr major positions.

We call for a new Bill of Rights for
Working People that includes the
right of a job at decent wages. the
right of education through “higher
education," right to medical care,
housing, and a secure retirement.
The Bill of Rights also calls for the
right of working people and op-
pressed in society to know about
decisions made concerning their
lives and to have power over them.
As a step in that direction. we call
for an independent labor party.

The Socialist Workers campaign
fully supports women‘s rights. We
Slipptl'l demands for the ERA, the
right to choae abortion, provision of
ample day care centers and an end
to al sexin stereotyping in society's
institutions used to rationalize
keeping wanen down.

Letters

Inna:
'assd' ”k

, ..\

GRAOTF

events—but not always in the way
we expect them to when we vote. For
example, who would have ever
thought Richard Nixon’s greatest
contribution while in office would be
to cause the greatest house-cleaning
and crackdown on governmental
corruption in presidential history?
'Ihese quirks of fate, coupled with
what Alexander Solzhenitsyn calls
the “dmline” of the West, tend to
make Dick say he’d just as soon stay
out cf the whole mess. “Four years
of this, four years of that. What does

. it matter what ordertheycome in,”

he has been known tar-soy.

Verdict: Dick Downey joins the
vast majority of Americans who are
either apathetic or cynical about the
capaciy (1 Carter or politics to
produce solutions to the underlying;
problans of our society.

Still, ol' Dick’s got a conscience-
and it tells him that he should vote.
take a stand, at least TRY to make
things better. He figures the only
way he can do that and be honest
with himself is to vote outside of the
two major parties—to join the voters
who will not vote for either Carter or
Ford (at last, the real silent
majority is discovered). By doing
this, he feels that maybe both
parties will recognhe that they are
losing the mandate of the people—
and that they should do something
about it. -

Verdict: He takes a stand for
Clean Gene McCarthy. But I know
he’s gonna kill me when he finds out
that I told everybody about it.

 

Dick Downey is s third-year law
student. Ills column appears every
Thursday.

 

We supprrt the full equsity and
liberation of Blacks, Chicanos, and
Native Americans and other op-
prased national minorities. The
Socialist mmpaign stands solidly for
equal education whether in the form
of bus'ng to better schools or
bilingual-bimlturol education. We
suppd-t full control of national
minorities over their own com-
munities and their own political
party.

We demand independence for
Puerto Rico and an end of all US.
interference into the offal-s of other
countries, overtly or through the
CIA.

While we fight for these im-
mediate demands we feel the only
way wewill be able to have a society
based on human needs is through
Socialinn and a democrsdc workers
government representing the
majority. If you agree, vote Socialist
Workers Nov. 2—better yet join us
after the election to continue the
fight. ‘

Bronson Rosier
YSA member

 

 

   

 

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Dual personality

Carter reveals two separate images

One Jimmy Carter ran for the Georgia
govemorship in 1970. Lestor Maddox was
this Carter’s runningmate. He called
Maddox a “great Democrat,” campaigned
as a back-slapping country cousin to George
Wallace, boasted he could win “without a
single black vote,” saidhe would indeed vote
for his segregationist runningmate.

Carter, on Election Day: “I’ve expressed
my views for a long time; I'm going to vote
for Maddox.” (Atlanta Constitution, Nov. 3,
1970).

This was the Jimmy Carter of six years
ago. In Georgia.

Today‘s Jimmy Carter finds himself in
America. He is a new man. A man who could
never help put a self-avowed segregationist

 

commentary

like Maddox into high public office. A man
we should trust. A man who loves all
people—particularly blacks.

Two Jimmy Carters. Which is real?

There is, of course, but one Jimmy Car-
ter—Jimmy Carter the politician. This man
will sacrifice any principle to get elected. He
can suwort Lester Maddox and Fritz
Mondale with equal zeal. And he has.

Still, Carter must believe in something.
His supporters claim he believes in people or
America or some such jerryfordism.
Specifically, though, Jimmy Carter has
never believed in anything but his own
election.

Picture Georgia in 1970. It was a state that
had elected Lester Maddox its governor four
years earlier, went for Wallace in 1968.
There was only one way to get elected
govemor of Georgia in 1970—that was to
appeal to white segregationist Georgia, to
identify with the Wallace-Maddox axis, to
have this bloc deliver in November. Carter
knew what he had to do and was promptly

 

.m -...uelectad governor. with lessthan 10 per cent of

thoablack Mite. m... . ....' *1”

...lr mm Caster didn'tmeedtheplack vote iii-1970. ,

He ignored blacks, back-slapped with Lester
Maddox.

Carter needs the black vote in 1976. He
cheridies blacks, soul-clasps with Martin
Luther King Sr.

This is not to say that Jimmy Carter was a
segregationist in 1970 anymore than it is to
say he cares for blacks in 1976. It is only to
say that Carter is just another politician, one
remarkably void of convictions, one eager
only to use and discard positions as it suits
his needs.

Just six years ago, Jimmy Carter voted for
Lester Maddox. Let that sink in. This single
act exposes the real Jimmy Carter. When it
came to a choice between political ex-
pediency and any humanitarian convictions
he might have had, Carter chose Maddox. He
exposed him ‘self.’ He showed where his
priorities lay.

Carter backed Maddox, praised Maddox.
Carter scholars now interpret this act as that

. of an exceptional humanitarian. They

maintain that Carter had actually only
pretended to praise Maddox—without this
strategic deceit Georgians could have never
warmed upto Carter, they would have never
elected their governor and blacks would still
be walking in chains through the heart of
Atlanta.

Even accepting this excuse, the fact
remains that once Carter had successfully
deceived his way into office, he did nothing
extraordinary to guarantee black civil
rights. He simply released Georgia into 1964.

Once elected, Gov. Carter immediately
hung a picture of Martin Luther King Sr., in
the Georgia statehouse. He dramatically
proclaimed it was time for Georgia to
consider integration. He began appointing
blacks to state boards and commissions. He
argued with his segregationist lieutenant
governor four straight years.

These are the highlights of Jimmy Car-
ter's civil rights record.

Julian Bard, Georgia state senator, said
Gov. Carter's position on race was “new
Southern."

“He was willing to do things which in the
Georgia context appeared to be reformist
and wogressive, but in a New York or
California carth would have been or-
dinary and expected." (Newsweek, July 19,
1976).

Gov. Maddox had actively suppressed
black civil rights. Gov. Carter passively
allowed black civil rights to rise to a 1964
standard. By 1974.

That is all.

Carter was no exceptional humanitarian.
Only when contrasted to Lestor Maddox can
he even look respectable. Carter, the grand
humanitarian, is an illusion.

Even Jerry Ford, with his long and dismal
civil rights record, would have been hailed
as Emancipator in 1970 Georgia.

But, back to principle.

Carter’s praise of Maddox was not a
temporary sacrifice of principle for votes. It
was the revealing of Carter’s only prin-
ciple—the need to elect Jimmy Carter.

And once elected, Carter seems to have no
substitute principle—unless it is to behave
like Richard Nixon.

In particular, Carter’s record shows he
does very little to advance the cause of basic
human rights. In particular, he indicates his
literacy by disagreeing with Lester Maddox,
he gives his state a hesitant push forward
into the last decade, he supports an amoral

war to the end. 'he house-Sirens denote-u L
tribute for convicted My Lai murderer 1a.: .- .-_ , ..

William Calley, he favors arming National
Guardsmen with live ammunition and would
have them “shoot to kill" in reaction to post-
Kent State student unrest. Etc.

There was little humanitarianism at work
in Carter‘s term as governor.

Jimmy Carter ran for office in 1970, like
1976, with only one principle to defend—the

. need for his own election. Campaigning is a

breeae for him; he has no other principles to
distract him.

Whatever stand on an issue might protect
his one principle, Carter adopts. He did it six
years ago, he’s doing it now. His conscience
is the public opinion poll. What appear to be
heart-felt convictions can vanish with the
drop of a percentage point.

This is the totality of Carter.

This is the man who wants to be the
“moral leader” of America, who wants to
fuse his morality into government.

Damn Carter. Damn America if it rewards
this rancid nothing with the presidency.
Damn America if it prefers the nullity of
Jerry Ford

Pity democracy if it was functioning in
1976.

We need a president who is honest, in-
telligent and unmistakably humanitarian.
We need Eugene McCarthy. We are offered
Ford’s proven inadequacies.

And Carter’s smile.

 

Steve Oechsll is a philosophy graduate
student.

Boots

Indian Jewelry

 

 

 

The Kentucky Kernel, He Journalism Iuilding, University a