xt7msb3wtd0h_4 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7msb3wtd0h/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7msb3wtd0h/data/72m2.dao.xml unknown 166 Cubic Feet 381 document boxes, seven textile items, three map folders, one artwork archival material 72m2 English University of Kentucky The physical rights to the materials in this collection are held by the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center.  Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Frederick Moore Vinson papers Economic stabilization. Elections -- United States -- Congresses. Judges -- Correspondence. Judges -- United States. Judicial opinions Judicial process -- United States Legislators -- Correspondence. New Deal, 1933-1939. World War, 1914-1918 -- Veterans. World War, 1939-1945. Associate Justices - Tom Clark text Associate Justices - Tom Clark 2019 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7msb3wtd0h/data/72m2/Box_161/Folder_2/Multipage300.pdf 1949-1953 1953 1949-1953 section false xt7msb3wtd0h_4 xt7msb3wtd0h Subpena Justiee Clark

Supreme Court Justice Tom Clark
has refused to testify before a House
subcommittee investigating the De—
partment of Justice. The investigat-
ors want to ask Justice Clark some
questions about the Kansas City vote
frauds, the Amerasia case and. five
other cases which were handled by
the Justice Department While Clark
"was Attorney General.

.lustice Clark declined to appear be»
fore the committee because. he said
“in. order to discharge their high
trust. judges have scrupulously main~
tnined, as is clearly the duty of the
oit’ice, a dignil’ied retirement from
the strife of, public affairs and parti~
san politics.”

“Your invitation

principle of great importance,” Jus—
tice Clark said. “the preservation of

involves a

lhe independence of the three
branches of government. The sub-
(‘ommittee should. agree that the
z-ourts must be kept free from pub—
lic controversy.”

Justice Clark is hiding behind his
black robes. His appearance before


the Longressional subcommittee does

not involve the independence of the
court. Nor will it involve the Supreme
Court in public controversy.

The subcommittee is not interested
in the actions of Justice Clark but in
the actions and views of former At- ‘
tornev General Clark. The subcom»
mittee is trying to learn all the facts
about the Kansas City vote frauds,
Amerasia and other cases, so that the
full story may be known. Justice
Clark has an obligation, as a public
servant, to give this investigation all
the help he can.

The subcommittee should. subpena
Justice Clark.






IT is unfortunate that among our other woes,

the Supreme Court is being attacked, not
for faulty decisions but because of a growing
dubiousness as to the personal integrity of

some of the justices. it has, on the whole,
been customary for members of this Court to
avoid personal publicity of any kind, although
in recent years this rule has only too often
been breached.

tn the American
system, the Supreme
Court must be sublime,
honored, respected and
obeyed. The Founding:
'lt‘athers gave this court
of final jurisdiction no
direct power to enforce
its mandates. [ts
strength lies in the pro-
found respect in which
the (‘ourt is held by
the American people.
its mandates run be:
cause no one questions
its final authority,

it is therefore to be
regretted that Justice
Tom C. (‘lark takes
refuge in the robes of
his high office to re-
fuse to provide data on the operations of the.
I'lepartmcnt of Justice while he was Attorney
General. The questioning has nothing to do
with his conduct as a Supreme Court justice;
it does have to do with his conduct as an At-
torney leneral. Such an inquiry could not
he held in relationship to his decisions; in the
Constitutional division of powers, Congress
has no authority to interfere with the courts.
However, Congress may investigate any ad-
ministrative agency for corruptimr or to bring
impeachment proceedings against any official.

George Sokolsky

Tlllfiltltl CAN be no question but that the De-
partment of Justice was fouled by var—
ious types of abuses, including bizarre deci-
sions. in tax cases, queer employment of the
pardonine power, and even the disappearance
of tiles. When .Iamcs Mt'iil‘tllll‘l')' became .\t-
torney General, he “tound” cases that should
have been prosecuted but which were per-
mitted to lie dormant until the statute of limi—
tations saved persons from indictment. Some
of these dossiers were sent to Congressional
committees for investigation by ;\lc(lranery.
judicial procedure no longer being available.

.lnstice ’l‘om (‘lark cannot assume ignorance
of what happened in the Kansas City election

Court Under Cloud

By George E. Sokolsky


frauds; yet, as long as he chooses to remain
silent, the dignity of his present office is imv
perilled. He owes it to himself and his coun-
try to accept the respectful invitation of a
Congressional committee to testify in those
matters which reflect on his personal integ-
rity and therefore on the Court of which he
is now a member.

I am in no manner accusing Mr. Justice
Clark of anything except that events occurred
during his administration of the Department
of .lustice which give rise to grave doubts.
Perhaps Mr. Clark has an explanation which,
it' known, could prove to be satisfactory, but
which it never given to the public, is embar-
rassing to the Court and the American people
and to Clark himself,

The conduct of Justice William 0. Douglas
in the last, phases of the Rosenberg case raises
no issue of integrity: a question of good taste
does arise. In the Courts. form is not mere
ceremonial: it is substantial in the sense that
it safeguards due process. Most of his breth-
ren were in Washington when the Rosenberg
lawyers appealed to him, individually, taking
advantage. of the [act that the Court. only a
few hours before. had adjourned after turn-
ing them down. It looked like a sneak at-
tempt to gain an advantage which the Court
itself almost immediately voided.

’ USTICE DOUGLAS could not have believed

that the Department of Justice would do
nothing in this matter until October. It is not
understandable that there could be any but a
personal motive, as Mr. Douglas had had many
formal opportunities to state his views, which
he did.

It is also not quite understandable why
Justice Felix Frankfurter could not make up
his mind on the final appeal. He had had the
Rosenberg case before him five times prior to
the final appeal. He knew the facts and the
law. The new argument was strictly on the
applicability of the law, and Mr. Frankfurter
knows his law. as even his personal opponents
will admit. He needed more time than his
brethren to make, up his mind. But why?
Felix Frankfurter has never been afraid of
directness before. Was it fatigue, the hot
ueather. age. or a picket line‘.’

The Supreme (‘onrt is too important in our
lives for shenanigans to be tolerable. The.
Court must be beyond suspicion if its man-
date is to be respected.

Listen to Mr. Sokolsky's weekly com-
mentary every Sunday at 6:30 pm. over
Radio Station WKWK. 1400 on your dial.




lest Paid Jurist ;

i * ~k *
1 He's Chief Judge Loughran ,
Of State Court of Appeals '

Albany —- (GNS) - New York
State now has the highest paid
' rist ii the world. He is also, by ,
,far. the highest paid official of the »

‘1 He is John T. Loughran, 64. of '

1Kingston graduate of Fordham
11inive who began the practicel
,of law in 1911 in his home town. >_
.Later he went to New York City.

, By recommendation of Gov-
1 m‘nm‘ Dewey and acts of the
Le g i slatu re. Chief Justice
Lnug’hrzm of the Court of Ap-
peals. will receive a salary of
I $35.0003year, plus $5.000 for ex— ‘
15,10,00 tops l"inson.§ . :1 plus a car when he needs "
‘ ' i l‘ s former pay was $28,500
plus ”3.000 for expenses. .
At $40,000 a year, he tops Gov— 1

' the United States Supreme ;
Court. “

The Governor and the Legis-
latu also hiked the pay of the
six ociate judges of the Ap-
peals Court. They were raised
from $28,000 a. year each to $32-
500 and their expense allowance

was increased 1 $5,000 a. year.
Each also has use of a state car
when required. -

The eight associate justices of
the U. S Supreme Court get $25,-
000 2. yo 1‘ each,

‘ Our Court of Appeals jurists are

iard working onscicntious men.

311 thing about the‘

_ ,rristers. will ac-

» . y labor under great

lmental pressure- and each is re-'

puted to pull his own oar to the
isatisfaction of the others.

Judge Loug‘hran was appointed
ito the Court of Appeals in 1934
[by Governor Lehman to fill a va<
cancy. He was elected for a full
14—year term in 1.9 and 1946 was
appointed as chief judge by Gov-
ernor Dex y to succeed the late
Judge lnmg Lehman. In 1946
1Loughmn was elected chief judge.


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NOS. )431" 1‘35

N.L.R.B. v. MEXIA TEXTILE M11125 - and

Please change my vote from affirm to
reverse in the above cases.


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Supreme Court of tho United States I


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October 19, lgSlww.


A ‘ ‘

Chief Justice, Fred M. Vinson
Harfinan Park Hotel
Usshington, D. C.

Dear Chief:

I am proposing Justice Tom Clark for member—

ship in the Alfalfa Club. Rob Fleming is on tne Board
and cannot propose or second an application but will
gladly follow through. He suggested that you, yourself,
might write a little note to the Secretary, Brent Young,

whose address is 105 Hesketh Street, Chevy Chase, Maryland.


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MAMA/"LA" 6 ”L " ' )1
3PM MW (”(3 L” 1—




October 19. 1951

£dm1ral Brent Ybung
105 Eeskoth Street
Chevy Chase, Karyland

Dear Brent:

I wish to propose the name of Justice Tam
Clerk for mambership to tha Alfalfa Club. The Chief
Justico will probably write a letter in support of
the application,

It is needless to any that Justice Clark_
would be an excellent addition to the fine gentlemen
now comprising the Club.

would you please see that the name gets
before the Committee when it next meets?

With kindest regardm.

Sinceregxl, {flF4217‘**’=1,




4 «—“»~v 4 Mi...



Mr. Francin D. Thomns,
Shorehnn Building -
15th 8. flzd Stisr Nific
Washington 5, 5.6.


’_ _ ., Thank yofi’ror yquf létter of October
191:3. 1 have]. taday written Mattel: Brcat ”foamy

a endorsing yogr propasai of Mr. Justice Clark fer’

mgghefkhlp in thc Alfalfa Clfib. ’ L 'L





“n. 53 ‘

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October 2?, 1951 9

Mr. Robert V. Fleming
The Riggs National Bank
Washington, D.C.

Dear Bobx~

Thanks for your letter cf the 22nd;

I have today written Admiral Brent
Young endorsing the propesal of Francis.
Thoman concerning membership in the A1fa$fa
Club for Mr. Justice Tom Clark.





Admiral Brent Young
105 Hesketh Street .r~-15
Chevy Chas: , Mary! 336‘,

. Dear Admiral Young:

2 am advised that our mutual friend
Francis Themas has prapoted the name of Mr.
Juitlce Tom Clerk for membership in the
Altaifa Club. \ , ‘

It afferdt me a great deal of pleasure ,' i

to add my endorsement to this propoaal. ,
I feel that Justice Clark would  »3 a

worthy “hand” in our agricultural partuitx. ~ fW 7 a;  “'"

‘ Sincefeiy;




 Wm M ,MJ/






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Supreme Court of the United States


____________________________________________ , 194---


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33-13me 13, E. (It.

JUSTICE TOM C.CLARK October 4, 195l


You will recall I did not take part in the dis-

cussion of cases listed below. In the orders handed

down, please do not note me "out” in these cases:

N0. 46. USA V. Jordan


No. 47 USA V. Shannon

No. 134 A/S J. Ludwig Mowinckels Rederi
v. Isbrandtsen Co., Inc.

Federal Maritime Board v. USA


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JUSTICE TOM C_CLARK February 4, l9 52

The Honorable
The Chief Justice

Dear Chief:

A/S J.Ludwig Mowinckels Rederi, et al. v. Isbrandtsen, No. 134

Federal Maritime Board v. The United States of America,
et al., No. 135

Ihave decided to abstain from these cases and would appreciate

yaur marking your record accordingly.


 Brooklyn N.Y. 12/18/51 .

Dear MT. Chief Justice:

There was a time in the history of thie Nation, when, any
wrong which was to be rightad would meet With the exclana
tion'wait until it gets to the Supreme Court. Here we OUR
court of last resort and fromit full justice could be as-

This is not so today. When the Court has been besmirchsd
by a character such as Thomas Clark, exposed for banal
collusion with thieves and racketeers against their own govern

What citizen can have confidence in such a Court, with

such a character sitting in judgment. Huey with the backwash
not even a fit candidate for a sheriff's badge.



Youre stuck with Tom Chirk.


[\DE?“ 2:) '4}

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Hi; 5.: )5 rrr‘bm“: :53— _FOR _ApDL_?_I—:fS_j

The an. The Chief Justice of the
United States Supreme Court
Supreme Court,
Washington D.C.


 L EW I S 8: H E N R Y


c. KENNETH HENRY July 11 , 1955

The Chief Justice of the United States
Supreme Court Building
Washington 15, D.C.

My dear Mr. Chief Justice:

The enclosed newspaper clippings entitled "Subpena Justice Clark"
and "Court Under Cloud" were cut from the Daily Times-Leader of Martins
Ferry, Ohio and the Wheeling Intelligencer.

'What, if anything, can the Chief Justice or other members of the
Supreme Court do to persuade Justice Clark to testify before the Congres-
sional Investigating Committee?

Anything that Justice Clark could possibly say in his testimony
would not involve the U.S. Supreme Court in any way, and his testimony,
whatever it might be, could not lessen the respect of the people for
their highest Tribunal, or mar the dignity of the Court. But refusal
of Justice Clark to testify to facts occurrnmgbefore his appointment,
which involve the public's interest, does both.

His testimony could not involve the Court in public controversy,
but his refusal to testify, on the grounds he asserts, already has, and
will continue to involve the Court of which he is a member.

We will all fight for "the preservation of the independence of the

three branches of our government," but that principle is not involved

What may be done in this situation towards upholding the respect
and dignity of the Court?

Very truly yours,


Roy W. Lewis



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afimmm 13, £3. <1}



The Honorable
The Chief Justice

Dear Chief:
The "2 o'clock boys" prevail in the voting,

so the luncheon will be at 2.200 p. m. tomorrow.
May the conference be over by then!

/ 09/ /



 3307 _ 143rd Street,
blushing, N, Y.,
December 135 1951.

me Court 01 the United States,
washington, U. C.

Dear Mr. Chief Justice:

it seems to me that Mr. Justice Clark is
not enhanc1ng the prestige and dignity of the Court
by remaining silent in the face of published reports
that he recommended, for appointment as Assistant
Attor rney General, a man whose record was not Spotless
and whose 1nd1screclcns” had been brought to Attorney
Generalb C].r1_rk‘s attention prior to the apoointment

L‘Zn its long and honorable history, the
oupreme Court oi the Uni ted btat es has oeen immune
f‘rom scandal. Because of that fact, it seems to me
that Mre Justice Clark owes it to you and to the Court
to comment on the published reports and outSpoken
crjtlcism of the appointment he made while Attorney
General which is now featured on the front pages of
all the neNSpapers.

‘incer yours


lsidor ohaife_fl

Mr. Justice Tom Clark,
supreme Court of the United States?
Washington, D, C.



Supreme Court of the United States




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November 24:, 195.1

Dear ”Chief!I :-
The ”Moon Gold" will make mighty
fine eating with those famous Clark hot cakes. Our

thanks to you for sending this bit of Kentucky our way!


The Honorable . /‘
6K /

The Chief Justice





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DEC 3' 1? MPH '52

Ctifiil‘iBERS OF THE

Dear "Chieti'2—

All of the Clarks join with me in sending
thanks for the "Moon Gold“. Iprepared hot
cakes for the entire family one morning, and
topped them off with the special Vinson treat.

Again, my thanks and may the New Year
bring to you and yours all the blessings you
so very much deserve. My personal wish is
that I shall have your continued friendship--
one of the greatest treasures I can hope for
in 1953.


The Honorable Z

The Chief Justice
The Supreme Court



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is hereby designated and

appointed to serve as my ______ figurataxy ____________________________________________________________________

from the ““3593 ________________ day of


at a salary of $_§,_U,L6_93_Z ______________ , per annum.

.lssociate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.

Approved :

Chief Justice of the United States.


 These Are
the FACTS,
Mr. President

A Radio-TV Address by



New York, April 9, 1952


 Additional ropics available upon request lo


E/ Clarence B. Randall, speaking for
/ the Steel Companies in the Wage

Case, in a Radio-TV Address
from New Yer/e, April 9, 1952.


I HAVE A DEEP SENSE of responsibility as
I face this vast audience of the air. I am
here to make answer on behalf of the steel
industry to charges flung over these micro-
phones last night by the man who then
stood where I stand now. I am a plain
citizen. He was the President of the United
States. Happily we still live in a country
where a private citizen may look the Presi-
dent in the eye and tell him that he was
wrong, but actually it is not the President
of the United States to whom I make an-
swer. It is Harry S. Truman, the man,
who last night so far transgressed his oath
of office, so far abused the power which is
temporarily his, that he must now stand
and take it. I shall not let my deep respect
for the office which he holds stop me from
denouncing his shocking distortions of fact.
Nor shall I permit the honor of his title to
blind the American people from the enor-
mity of what he has done.


 He has seized the steel plants of the Na—
tion, the private property of one million
people, most of whom now hear the sound
of my voice. This he has done without the
slightest shadow of legal right. No law
passed by the Congress gave him the pow—
er. He knows this, and speaks of general
authority conferred upon him by the Con—
stitution. But I say, my friends, that the
Constitution was adopted by our fore-
fathers to prevent tyranny, not to create it.
When he asked the Congress for power to
seize private property they said no. They
gave him instead the Taft-Hartley Act
which he now spurns, and the power which
they denied him he now has seized.

For whom has he done this? Let no
American be misled. This evil deed, with-
out precedent in American history, dis—
charges a political debt to the CIO. Phil
Murray now gives Harry S. Truman a re—
ceipt marked, “paid in full.”

He speaks of war. I know something of
war. I was in uniform when Harry Tru—
man was, in France as he was, and by an
odd circumstance for some months in the
same Division he was. I lost my nephew
in the last war on D-Day plus six, but I say
to you fathers and mothers of our brave
men in Korea that if any man now threat—
ens their safety for lack of steel, that


man’s name is Phil Murray. He called the
steel strike; the steel companies did not.
And not forty-eight hours ago he rejected
a last effort at settlement by the compa—
nies when they offered to go from 9 cents to
121/2 cents of increase per hour, plus all the
costly fringe benefits previously offered.
Is your boy making $1.70 an hour in
Korea? That is what the Steelworkers
got before Korea. And this new offer is
a dollar a day more in straight pay, or a
total package with fringe benefits, that
would give the companies new and added
costs of three quarters of a billion dollars.

Who were the actors in this corrupt po-
litical deal? The so-called public members
of the Wage Stabilization Board, public in
name only, for Harry Truman knew in ad—
vance that they would not let Phil Murray
down. Nor did they. In the name of sta-
bilization they gave him twice as much as
he had ever secured by collective bargain-
ing before stabilization had been attempt-
ed. In the face of that simple but amazing
fact, how could Harry S. Truman have
stood here last night and calmly stated that
the Wage Board’s recommendations were
“ fair and reasonable,” and “in accord with
sound stabilization policies.” Only he and
Phil Murray thought that. The industry
members of that Board were aghast, and
declared in a public statement that the



 proposals of the Board had been used “as
an instrument of Union appeasement.”
That distinguished and high-minded Amer-
ican, Charles E. \Vilson, resigned in pro—
test. Outraged members of Congress
denounced the recommendations as fan—
tastic. Senator Walter F. George, a mem-
ber of the President’s own political party,
spoke up in no uncertain terms during
debate on the Senate floor.

“The real trouble,” he said, “is that
this is not an impartial Wage Stabilization
Board. That is the whole trouble. I can—
not conceive that any president would
designate such a Board as he has desig—
nated, and then undertake to seize the
entire industry because someone disagreed
with him and a strike ensued.”

Those were the Senator’s exact words.

Ralph W. Gwinn, a Republican member
of Congress from New York, sent a tele-
gram to the President in which he charged
that some of the so—called public members
of this Board, who went down the line with
the representatives of Labor in the rec-
onnnendations had actually themselves at
various times in the past been on the pay-
rolls of the CIO and the AF of L. Yet that
is the agency which Harry S. Truman de-
scribed last night as a fair and impartial
Government Board. That is the agency


whose findings he now seeks to put into
effect by force. He knows that the Board
was intended to be advisory only, and that
it has no power other than to make recom-
mendations. He knows that those recom—
mendations were not meant to be binding
upon the parties, yet he has seized steel

plants to compel their adoption. The truth
is that the Wage Stabilization Board has
been operated as a political agency. It

does not impose wage ceilings, but removes
them when Phil Murray calls the turn.

That this is not a figment of my imagina-
tion but grim reality was borne out less
than two weeks ago when David McDonald,
Secretary-Treasurer of the CIO boasted
openly of the political influence which this
Union wields in Washington. He declared
publicly that the Steelworkers in this dis-
pute were in a particularly fortunate posi-
tion because they had “a rather friendly
gentleman in the White House.”

And heartsick as many Americans were
last night at what their President said,
they were pained also at What he did not
say. He was purporting to tell the facts,
yet he withheld from the public one signifi-
cant fact. He made no mention of the
closed shop. He dealt with money but
omitted principle. Actually this order of
the Board establishes compulsory union-



 ism throughout the steel industry, and the
President now asserts that he has the
power to put that into effect by force. Our
Constitution, which was adopted to pro-
tect freedom, becomes in his hands an in—
strument to destroy freedom. Has liberty
sunk so low in Harry Truman’s scale of
values that he no longer thinks it worth
mentioning? Or should he in all candor
have taken the opportunity last night, talk-
ing as he was to every fireside in America,
to make it clear whether or not he had
seized the steel plants in order to compel
workers to join a Union against their will.

The President talked of inflation, but
does anyone really think that he under—
stands that word? Econo