xt7qnk361q2h https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7qnk361q2h/data/mets.xml Flick, Lawrence F. (Lawrence Francis), 1856-1938. 1886 books b92-179-30418319 English Press of D.J. Gallagher, : Philadelphia : Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Trappists United States. Catholic Church United States. French refugee Trappists in the United States : American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, on February 23, 1886 / by Lawrence Francis Flick. text French refugee Trappists in the United States : American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, on February 23, 1886 / by Lawrence Francis Flick. 1886 2002 true xt7qnk361q2h section xt7qnk361q2h
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READ BEFORE THE
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ON FEBRUARY 23, 1886.
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THE
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READ BEFORE THE
lmerican Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia,
ON FEBRUARY 23, 1886.
BY
LAVRENCS FRANCIS FLICK.
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OVER since the rules of St. Benedict had birth in the piety
and wisdom of that great and holy man, they have, in
some form or other, drawn men from the world and
impregnated their lives with sanctity and wisdom. Time
and the perversity of man's inclinations might occasionally relax
them, but only to again give them champions, such as St. Ber-
nard in 910, St. Robert in I098, and Armand Jean Le Bout-
hillier de Rance in I664.
The name, Les Trappistes, came about in this way. In I122
a French count, Routrou of Perch, made what he believed to be
a miraculous escape from some great danger. Out of gratitude
to the blessed Virgin, to whom he ascribed his preservation, he
vowed to build a church and to place it under her patronage.
He fulfilled his vow by building a church in a solitary valley,
surrounded by dense forests and in a spot where a number of
streams come together and form the river Yton. This place has
from time immemorial been called La Trappe. When therefore
the good Count Routrou afterwards brought monks from Savigny,
and established a monastery for them near his church, they were
given the name Les Trappis/es.
It was here, at La Trappe, that the monks, having gradually
forgotten the rigor of their rules, were reminded of it by the
saintly Abbe de Rance. He had just about fully established his
reform when he was called to his reward; but his good work went
on until it was disturbed by the French revolution.
(3)
4
On February 13th, 1790, all religious orders in France were
suppressed by a legislative act of the French government. There
was, however, too much of the spirit of St. Benedict, St. Bernard,
St. Robert, and an Abbe de Rance at La Trappe, to be dispersed
by a mere edict. Dom Augustine, one of the priests of La
Trappe, resolved, since he could not keep his vows in his native
land, to establish his Order in some other. With twenty-three of
his brethren, all volunteers like himself, he formally applied to
various governments for an Asylum. He received a favorable
answer from the Senate of Friborg, which, on April 12th, I791,
granted him permission to establish a home in Switzerland. The
twenty-four monks signed a covenant, forming the Abbey of Val
Sante de Notre Dame de La Trappe on April 26th, and elected
Dom Augustine, Abbot, on May 3d of the same year. The
election, however, was not confirmed, nor the Abbey formally
established by Rome, until November 27th, I794. By this time
so many recruits had flocked in, that several new houses had gone
out from Val Sante, and had sought asylums in different parts of
Europe.
One of the day dreams of Dom Augustine, from his first arrival
at Val Sante, had been to send a colony to America. Twice he
essayed it, but each time the colony was providentially located
elsewhere. In 1793, Dom Jean Baptiste departed for Canada
with some companions. When he got to Brabant he was so
earnestly implored by the people to remain, that he sought the
permission of his Superior, and established a house there. In
April, 1794, a large number of recruits were sent to Brabant,
with the understanding that a colony was to start from there for
Canada. An attempt to carry out the proviso was made in July
of the same year, when Jean Baptiste again started for Canada
ivith several companions, this time by way of England. A pious
Englishman, by name of Thomas Weld, offered him a location on
his land at Lulworth, Dorcestershire, and pressed him to accept.
Again Dom Jean sought permission to depart from his instructions
and located his colony in England.
Meanwhile the Order grew so rapidly that Dom Augustine had
considerable difficulty in supplying Asylums for the outgrowths.
Already flourishing off-shoots from Val Sante, existed in Spain,
Italy, Holland and England. But persecution went hand in hand
5
with success; no sooner were colonies established than the far-
reaching influence of the revolution again routed them, and new
asylums had to be sought. Russia promised a safe retreat, and
in 1796, quite a large colony took refuge under its neutrality. It
proved a poor asylum, and in i8oo, after the monks of Val Sante
had sought shelter in its dominions, on account of outrages
committed upon their Abbey, all Trappists were expelled from
the country by a Ukase.
This revived in Dom Augustine the great desire to establish
his Order in America. For nearly two years he confided it to his
own bosom, striving meanwhile to find homes for his persecuted
brethren. Some were sent to England, some were received by
brethren in Germany, and many went back to Val Sante, whither
they were invited by the Senate of Friborg in I802. America
was not forgotten ; as soon as affairs were somewhat settled, Dom
Augustine confided to his brethren his long cherished hope and
desire. His enthusiasm fell not on barren soil. Pere Urban
Guillet, one of the original covenanters of Val Sante, a man of
great piety and zeal, but evidently possessing little worldly
wisdom, craved permission to undertake the difficult task. The
chief obstacle in the way was the lack of funds; but great as this
obstacle might appear to others, it dwindled into insignificance in
the presence of Pere Urban's faith and zeal. Having obtained
permission, he at once proceeded to select his companions, and
to seek the means. He had no difficulty in procuring the former;
the latter he got in spite of difficulties.
On January i6th, 1803, after about two years' preparation, his
colony came together at Amsterdam, preparatory to setting sail.
At first, it consisted of five priests, including Pere Urban, six
lay-brothers and eight students; but before departure the number
was augmented to twenty-two by the arrival of more members of
the Order. This number was too small for the zeal of Pere
Urban; knowing that " the vineyard of the Lord was large," in
America, and the "laborers therein few," he conceived the idea of
taking with him a number of young men and educating them for
the priesthood. He had no difficulty in securing young men in
Amsterdam, as many were seeking an opportunity to get to
America; but, unfortunately, he was no student of human nature,
and many " tares were gathered in," with a little wheat. When
6
his Superior, Dom Augustine, came to see him and his colony
off, he remarked that he did not like the looks of these young
men; poor Pere Urban was astonished, but it was not long until
he discovered the meaning of his Superior's words.
The colony, consisting of forty people, set sail on May 29th,
and arrived at Baltimore on September 4th, 1803. The voyage
was long and full of hardships, as the provisions ran short, though
Pere Urban had laid in a special store for his people, and for two
months all persons on board had to subsist on two ounces of
bread each a day. At Baltimore they were kindly received by
M. Nagot, to whom Pere Urban had a letter of introduction, and
were comfortably quartered and well entertained at the Sulpician
College. But in spite of the kind reception, Pere Urban's first
day in America was a sad one. Two of his Amsterdam proteges,
and one of his own flock, who had been tainted on the way over,
took advantage of the confusion in going from the ship to the
College, and deserted. Pere Urban now understood the unfavor-
able comments of his Superior.
The faculty of the Sulpician College strove to make their
visitors welcome, and even offered them a permanent home in the
College. Rev. Father Moranvillers, a parish priest of Baltimore,
supplemented these good offices by raising money for them among
his parishoners; but Pere Urban, fearing that he and his brethren
might be in the way and prove a burden, expressed a desire to
depart. Accordingly, after a stay of some weeks at the College.
he, by the advice of the Sulpicians, started with his colony for
Pigeon Hills, Adams Co., Pennsylvania.
Of the trip there is no record, but it was likely made on foot,
and over bad roads. The distance is fifty miles, to travel which,
it must have taken them three or four days. The Sulpicians and
Father Moranvillers, sent wagon loads of food along, and
probably also some furniture.
There is considerable difference of opinion in regard to the
time of arrival of the Trappists at Pigeon Hills. Father Lamden
says they first went to Cambria Co., Pennsylvania, and from there
to Pigeon Hills. In this, he is undoubtedly mistaken. Arch-
bishop Spalding, both in his "Catholic Missions of Kentucky,"
and in his " Sketches of life, times and character of Bishop
Flaget," gives August 15th, 1804, as the time. Rev. Father
7
Maes, probably copying from Archbishop Spalding, gives the
same date.
Gaillardin, who is the best authority to follow, as he wrote
carefully and deliberately, and was probably acquainted with
some of the monks, who belonged to the colony, and afterwards
returned to Europe, and likewise had at his command the
memoirs written by Fathers Maria Joseph and Vincent de Paul,
says they stopped with the Sulpicians at the College some
weeks, and then went to Pigeon Hills. His reference to their
gathering wild fruits and nuts for food upon their arrival, is
evidence that they went there in autumn. Probably the correct
time therefore is October, I803.
Pigeon Hills t is the name given to a tract of land in the eastern
portion of Adams Co., Pennsylvania, near the foot of Pigeon
Hills, in Oxford Township. It is about ten miles from Gettysburg
and about four or five from Conewago. Another name given to
it, and probably a more familiar one, is the Seminary farm. This
sobriquet it earned by its having been, at various times, the
location of the Seminary School. Even as far back as I794,
some young men got their preliminary education there. The
farm is quite large and originally consisted of two tracts, one
granted to Henry Gearnhardt, on July 26th, I750, by the Pro-
prietaries of Pennsylvania, and the other to Robert Lorimore, on
September i9th, of the same year. On September i9th, 1758,
Lorimore purchased Mr. Gearnhardt's tract, and on April 4th,
1794, he sold the two tracts to a reputed monk by name of Joseph
Heront, for iooo pounds. Mr. Heront opened a school on his
farm, but was probably not very successful, for after a few years
he took his departure for France, leaving his property to the
Superior of the Sulpician College at Baltimore. At least one of
his pupils, a Mr. Myers, afterwards became a Catholic Priest.
The Trappists, according to Gaillardin, found a comfortable and
commodious house awaiting them at Pigeon Hills. As it was
Fall, and a Winter and Spring would have to ensue before they
In preparing this paper, I have taken much of my information from
Gaillardin's work, entitled " Le Trappistes," published in Paris.
t Mlost of my information about Pigeon Hills I have taken from John
G. Reilly's History of Catholicity in Adams County.
8
could reap the fruits of their labor on the farm, they had for the
time being to depend for the necessaries of life upon the Sulpi-
cians and Father Moranvillers, who kept sending corn, flour and
dried fruits from Baltimore. To economize the charity of their
friends, they gathered wild fruits and nuts from the adjacent
woods, and tried in a certain measure to subsist on them. They
prepared some ground, and in the Spring planted an acre of corn,
three little patches of potatoes, and a garden. The students gave
great trouble; they would not work on the plea that they had to
study, and likewise would not study.
On them Gaillardine lays the blame for the failure of the settle-
ment at Pigeon Hills. They were not only non-producers, but
consumed everything they could lay their hands on. The poor
monks could do nothing with them ; they would not expel them
because they had brought them to a strange country and felt in
conscience bound to support them.
Of the daily routine life of either the students or the monks,
Gaillardin makes no mention. Much, however, can be supplied by
the imagination. His reference to the complete insubordination
of the students during the absence of Pere Urban; their feasting
upon meats and vegetables; their sports and games; and the
patient submissiveness of the monks; gives us glimpses which we
can use as corner-stones, so to speak, whereon to build fuller
descriptions.
Students are proverbial for their jolly times. Place them
where you will, they will try to enjoy themselves. Situated as
were the searchers after lore at Pigeon Hills, they no doubt held
high carnival. Short study hours and long sleeping hours, few
prayers and many meals, hunting, fishing, games and gymnastics,
is the programme that naturally suggests itself to one's mind in
trying to picture their probable daily life.
The monks of course followed their rules, and therefore lived
as all other Trappist monks live. They observed perpetual
silence except when it was necessary to speak with the Superior.
They arose at half-past two in the morning, Father Nerinx says
at one, and retired at seven in the evening during Winter, and at
eight during Summer. They took two meals a day between
I give here the Trappists' rules as observed at Val Sante.
9
Easter and the middle of Scptember, and one meal a day during
the remainder of the year. When two meals a day were allowed,
one was taken at twelve o'clock, noon, and the other in the even-
ing. When only one meal a day was permitted, it was taken
about three o'clock in the afternoon. The usual quantity of
bread given each monk was one pound a day; but at the discre-
tion of the Superior, an additional ration might be granted of a
kind of bread made of three parts of potatoes and twelve parts
of bran, called the bread of indulgence. In Summer, when hard
manual labor had to be performed, fresh vegetables were added
to the diet. Water was the only drink permissible to the healthy.
A beverage made of wild or dried fruits, barley or juniper berries,
was at the option of the sick. They worked from half-past five
to half-past eight in the morning, and from a little before two to
half-past four in the afternoon, during the Summer; and from nine
to half-past eleven in the morning, and from twelve to two in the
afternoon, during Winter. During Lent they began work at half-
past nine. The intervals between the working hours were de-
voted to chanting the office, meditation, and probably to teaching.
They dressed in a white habit, a garment in shape something like
a Roman toga, and wore a cowl, which, when occasion required,
was used as a covering for the head. They slept in apartments
in common; the priests in one, and the lay-brothers in another,
and when they could afford it, had each a straw mattress, a
bolster, and a sheet to lie upon and a blanket to cover themselves
with.
This is a synopsis of the ordinary life of a Trappist, and if we
substract a little from the privileges and add a little to the depri-
vations related therein, we will likely get a proximate idea of the
every-day life of the Trappists at Pigeon Hills. An anecdote
related by Gaillardin illustrates their poverty and self-denial: A
priest from Conewago, seeing the steward distribute bread for
supper, expressed surprise at the smallness of the portions.
" Sir !" said the steward to him, " this bread is very good and
most nourishing; it is not hecessary to give so much of it."
" My Rev. Father," responded the priest, " you will change your
mind about that; it is not here like in Europe; weights and
measures are not known here."
As far as we know, the principal events that broke in upon the
IO
austere sameness of the monks during their stay at Pigeon Hills,
were the to and fro journeyings of Pere Urban to Baltimore, his
preliminary trip to Kentucky, and according to Father Nerinx,
the occasional trip of the Monastery wagon to Baltimore and
return. Pere Urban must have spent much of his time on the
road and in Baltimore. He there met many of the missionary
priests of the country, and there probably first heard of Kentucky.
The description he got of that country placed it uppermost in his
mind, and he became enthused in the idea of removing his colony
thither. He, however, first visited it, taking with him Brother
Placide and a native of the country as interpreter. The lovely
appearance of Kentucky in Spring-time, and the persuasive
appeals of Father Badin, who wanted more priests in his field of
labor, joined hands with the zeal of Pere Urban in blinding him
to the great obstacles in the way of removing a community so
great a distance, over bad roads and through thinly settled
districts, and to the drawbacks which the contemplated new home
itself presented. He was not long in making up his mind to
locate in Kentucky, and at once returned for his colony, leaving
Brother Placide behind to make some desirable preparations.
In the absence of any reference to sickness or death in the
colony by any of the writers on the subject, we may conclude
that its members enjoyed good health while at Pigeon Hills.
This, unfortunately, cannot be said of them in locations sub-
sequently chosen by Pere Urban. In the face of this fact, and in
the light of our knowledge of the failure of all his later settle-
ments, we may safely say that he had better remained at Pigeon
Hills. One of his principal reasons for leaving was the inability
of the community to support itself there. This, however, cannot
be charged to the place, but must go to the debit side of Pere
Urban's qualifications as a leader. There was plenty of good land
to farm, and there were enough men in the conwmunity to till it;
all that was wanting was a practical head. Besides the Sulpicians
and Father Moranvillers seem to have been willing to help the
Institution along until it was able to take care of itself.
The colony, when it came to Pigeon Hills, probably consisted
of twenty-one monks and sixteen lay-people. Gaillardin says
that twenty-two members of the order, priests and lay-brothers,
and eighteen lay-men, students and workmen, came over from
I I
France. One lay-brother and two lay-men deserted upon their
arrival at Baltimore. It is not likely that the order got any
recruits during the short stay at the Sulpician College, though it
is on record that at least one of the students felt a call to join it.
In his life of Bishop Flaget, of Kentucky, Rt. Rev. M. J. Spalding
states that the then young candidate for Holy Orders looked upon
the arrival of the Trappists in Baltimore as a stroke of Providence
in his behalf, and applied to Rev. Urban Guillet for admission
into the Order but for some reason or other did not avail himself
of the favorable answer received. While at Pigeon Hills the
membership of the community was considerably increased.
Gaillardin says that the ranks of the renegades, who were fright-
ened away at the prospects of a trip west, were more than filled
by new-comers, Who these novices were would now be interest-
ing to know; the only individual spoken of by Gaillardin in this
connection is an old planter from San Domingo, who having lost
his reason, was taken in by Pere Urban, and by the kind treat-
ment of the monks and the novel, quiet life, was restored to
health. Father Nerinx, in one of his letters, speaks of meeting,
in the migration west, as a member of the order, Father Charles
Guny, a former Benedictine, and his traveling companion across
the ocean. Yet these are but two. In the same letter, Father
Nerinx, referring to the departure of the colony from Pigeon
Hills and their trip through Pennsylvania, says " the caravan con-
sisted of thirty-seven persons, seven or eight of whom were
priests." If his figures are correct the recruits just about filled
the ranks of the disaffected. How long the Trappists remained
at Pigeon Hills, is a mooted question. Rev. Father Mlaes and
Hon. Benj. J. XVebb, say one year. Gaillardin gives July, 1805,
as the time of departure from Pigeon Hills; and Rev. M\. J.
Spalding, the Fall of 18o5 as the time of arrival in Kentucky.
Rev. Father Nerinx, who accompanied them through Pennsyl-
vania, in a letter dated May 6th, i8o6, gives the date of departure
as June ioth, I805, and as he writes from personal knowledge,
and at so short an interval after the event, he must be accepted
as the most creditable witness. Accepting then, as the most
My quotations from Father Nerinx'siletters are taken from Rev.
Afaes' Life of Father Nerinx.
12
likely time of arrival, that given by Gaillardin ; and as the most
probable time of departure, that given by Father Nerinx; the
stay of the Trappists at Pigeon Hills was from October, I803, to
June ioth, I805, or about twenty-one months.
The casual visitor to Pigeon Hills at the present day would
recognize in it nothing to apprise him of the part it played in the
early Catholic history of the United States. The pious zeal of
Heront, the plaintive midnight chant of the monks, the carnivals
of the Dutch students in the Trappists' time, and later the youth-
ful hilarity of the seminarians, never crystallized into monuments;
and so the place must depend upon history for any distinction it
may claim. And yet what prayers have gone up to heaven from
there; what penances practised ; what inspirations received; what
good resolutions formed! And in antithesis how boldly stands
out the ingratitude of those heartless adventurers, if Gaillardin
tells truly, who shamelessly feasted while the monks were suffering
want. I cannot help but feel, however, that the poor students
are made scapegoats in a certain measure, for the incompetency
of Pere Urban. No doubt they did many things which would
not be tolerated in a well-conducted school; but then there were
many mitigating circumstances. Some of them likely left home
with no higher motive than a love of adventure; they were all
cut off from the influence of friends and relatives; they were
away from civilization, so to speak; and they had nothing to
occupy their minds but their books and sports. Their young
healthy bodies no doubt made frequent demands for food through
craving appetites. Their buoyant spirits must have often over-
flown in games and tricks. Need we wonder at cause for com-
plaint ! What student could withstand the temptation of truancy
for example under similar circumstances With an empty larder
at home; with fishing creeks and game forests that a king might
envy close by; and with poor, half-starved monks for disciplina-
rians, what youth would not flee from the dingy, pent-up, lore-
smelling study hall, to the free exhilarating woods as an amateur
Nimrod or a practical admirer of Isaak Walton.
At least all were not recalcitrant. Many of them afterwards
braved the dangers and trials of a trip to Kentucky, Missouri, and
Illinois, and there continued their studies under the most adverse
circumstances. Such perseverance bespeaks a better spirit than
13
deflects from the contrast between austere monks and fun-loving
students.
Father Urban's order, upon his return from Kentucky, to at
once break up camp and start for the West, was received with
monastic submissiveness by the' monks, and with commingled
approval and disapproval by the rest of the colony. Some of
the students sneaked off, leaving letters of explanation behind.
Others demanded recommendations to persons in Baltimore, and
then openly took their departure. The hired workmen blankly
refused to go West. Under these discouraging circumstances,
says Gaillardin, some of Pere Urban's charitable deeds "returned-
to him as bread cast upon the waters." It was necessary to have
a wagon built, and as the mechanics apparently had already left,
there was no one to build it. Pere Urban's protege, the San
Domingo Planter, came to his relief. Unaided he constructed a
large wagon. This story, however, does not fit in with Father
Nerinx's reference to the Monastery wagons, making trips to
Baltimore and return, nor with his statement that on account
of the slow progress of the four wagons through Pennsylvania;
he parted company with the Trappists. It may be that the
Monastery wagon referred to by Father Nerinx was really owned
by Sulpicians, or by Father Moranvillers, or the Trappists may
have had three wagons, and required a fourth to convey all that
they desired to take with them.
The route they traveled through Pennsylvania was the old
state or Turnpike road by way of Gettysburg, Chambersburg,
McConnellstown, Bedford, Somerset, Union and Brownsville.
At Brownsville they sold their horses and wagon or wagons and
bought two flat-boats, for which they paid 12.00. On these they
placed themselves and goods, and floated down the river to
Pittsburg. That this is the route they took can scarcely be
doubted. Gaillardin simply tells us that they went on foot, until
they got to the Monongahela River, where they took flat-boats;
but Father Nerinx says he left them at Bedford, where he bought
a horse and saddle for 75.oo and started ahead by himself.
Now, as the state road passed through Bedford, and as there was
only one through road in Southern Pennsylvania at that time,
there can be no doubt about the road they traveled. Brownsville
was in those days a kind of port, at which most travelers west
I4
changed their mode of travel from that by land to water. Hence,
we may conclude, that it was there the Trappists bought their
flat-boats.
Probably about two weeks were required to go from Pigeon
Hills to Brownsville. Stretches of twenty miles were made
between camping places. When regular stopping places could
be reached, if even by an extra effort, they put up at an inn; but
generally they had to content themselves with such comfort as a
barn afforded, or as mother earth gives her children, under
Heaven's diamond studded canopy. In addition to their usual
diet they were allowed butter according to Father Nerinx ; and
butter, milk and cheese, according to Gaillardin, the latter being
the specified traveling diet. Somewhere between McConnellstown
and Bedford their wagon broke down, and they were detained a
day or two. It was then that Father Nerinx became impatient,
and after having waited for them at Bedford a day and a half,
started ahead by himself While traveling, silence was observed as
far as conversation was concerned, although all had the privilege
of talking with Father Nerinx. The office was, however, daily
chanted and prayers were said aloud. What a ripple of wonder
and excitement must have passed over the adjacent country, as
this procession of white-robed monks, chanting and praying,
leisurely moved along the highway.
The Monongahela, to the great disappointment of Father
Urban, did not even furnish as easy or as rapid a means of transit,
as had the turnpike. Instead of making twenty miles a day,
they now with difficulty covered fifteen. As the water was quite
shallow in places the boats frequently stuck fast on sand-banks,
and all hands had to jump out and help push them off. In this
way they finally arrived at Pittsburg, where, owing to the neces-
sity of making considerable change in their river out-fit, they
remained for some days.
The principal cause of detention was the unloading and reload-
ing of their goods, as it was necessary to replace their small boats
by larger ones. This exchange so drained the treasury that
Pere Urban was afraid to venture the further expense of hiring a
pilot and some rowers, as apparently was the custom in traveling
on the Ohio, and with his monks, undertook the voyage, not-
withstanding their inexperience. He, however, took the pre-
I5
caution of informing himself about the Ohio river by interviews
with some Pittsburgians, and as a reference for emergencies
purchased a popular almanac in which its author claimed to
explicitly lay down all the necessary instructions for navigating
the Ohio. Unfortunately, what sounded nice in theory did not
work well in practice. Fallen trees obstructed their way, sand-
banks and whirlpools were encountered, and sometimes the
swiftness of the current would hurl them against the bank or an
island. On one occasion, one of the boats sprang a leak and
rapidly began to fill. All on board became terror-stricken, and
cried for help. Their brothers on the other boat, being too far
away to bring them timely assistance, called to them to pull for
the bank, which they fortunately succeeded in doing. Landed,
they unloaded by the light of a candle, for it was now night, and
temporarily plugged up the holes. On the following day the
boat was thoroughly repaired and the amateur scullers again en-
trusted it with their lives.
For six weeks the poorly fed monks and students rowed and
floated down the Ohio, apparently running the gauntlet of death
safely at every turn ; and yet gradually and surely falling into his
clutches by constantly inhaling the poisonous effluvia arising from
the swamps along the banks of the river. When they finally
arrived at Louisville in the early part of September, 1805, all
hands were sick, and some unto death.
A most cordial reception awaited them. People from all over
the country flocked to the landing place with their wagons
anxious to render aid. Those who arrived first, loaded up the
baggage, and hauled it to its destination. Later corners finding
no more baggage, contended with each other for the privilege of
conveying the monks. Soon baggage, monks and all were safely
landed at a farm house on Pottinger Creek, in the northern part
of Nelson Co., about thirty miles south of Louisville, about ten
north of Bardstown, and about a mile from Holy Cross Church,
where Father Baden then had his headquarters. The property
belonged to a pious lady, who offered the use of it to the Trap-
pists, as long as they might wish to remain, reserving for her own
use only, the product of every fourth or fifth fruit tree. Gaillardin
describes the house as a frame building, ornamented by a portico,
and says there were several log houses, close by which could be
i6
used as work-houses. Once at the house, the ovation began.
Every farmer had come with his offering, bringing flour, Indian
corn, vegetables, potatoes and even poultry. Everything was in
abundance. The trees in the orchard adjoining the house, were
laden with fruit, and brother Placide's garden was in a most
flourishing condition. All were made comfortable and poverty for
once, had to make a bed-fellow of plenty. But comfort and
abundance could not stay the ravages of disease, nor shut out the
grim visage of death. Of the entire community, but two could
present themselves in choir, a religious and a postulant, and one
of these, the religious had hemorrhages from the lungs. Father
Baden took two of the priests, who were