xt7qz60bwb9x https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7qz60bwb9x/data/mets.xml Carleton, George Washington 1864  books b92e449s959218642009 English Carleton : New York Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Slavery --United States. Slavery --United States --Controversial literature --1864. The Suppressed book about slavery! / prepared for publication in 1857,--never published until the present time. text The Suppressed book about slavery! / prepared for publication in 1857,--never published until the present time. 1864 2009 true xt7qz60bwb9x section xt7qz60bwb9x 
  
  
LIBRARY UNIVERSITY of KENTUCKY

  
  
  
  
  
  
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PREFACE.

T H E people of the U nited States are a Slave-holding people. H ow much that term means we learn when we better understand w hat Slavery is, and what is the complicity of the people of the "free S tates" w ith i t. I n the o riginal draft of the Declaration of Independence one of the oppressive acts charged against the Mother country was the continuation of the Foreign Slave Trade, contrary to the i n terests and in spite of the remonstrances of the Colonists. It was afterwai'ds omitted, at the dictate of those Southern Colonies who could not consistently complain of that as a wrong which they meant to claim as a privilege. "When, at the close of the w ar, H Convention of Delegates from all the States met to form a C onstitution, the two questions which threatened to be i nsurmountable obstacles i n the way of a Federal U nion were, whether the system of Slavery, which was cherished in some of the States, should be tolerated by those w hich had ,:bolished or proposed to a bolish i t ; and whether the traffic in A frican Slaves should be continued. The difficulty was evaded by a " Compromise." The F oreign Slave Trade was permitted, but only for twenty years. T he rendition of fugitive Slaves was provided for by the Constitution, because they were "property;" but the Slaves were reckoned as three-fifths of the free population, as a basis of Congressional representation, because they were men. On the other h and, i n case of direct taxation the same method of enumeration was observed. On the side of the Slaveholder was not only power, but "wisdom." The Foreign Slave Trade lasted as long as it was wanted, and t ill a more profitable Domestic Trade was about to arise to take its place. The Slaveholders have always h ad, by virtue of the three-fifths r ule, a compact representation, as Slaveholders, in Congress, and have always held the balance 3

  
4

PREFACE.

of power. The Slave States, on the same basis of representation as the "free," would be entitled to only sixty-five representatives i n Congress, yet they have ninety; that is, twenty-five extra. T his discrepancy between population and representation arises from the fact that, in determining between the number of representatives to which each State is entitled, five Slaves are reckoned equal to three Freemen. The Slaves have a representation equal to that of the " free S tates" of New Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, Iowa, and "Wisconsin? The Slavehunter may pursue and take his prey wherever he can find him, between Canada and Mexico. The Northern man is punished w ith fine and imprisonment who gives the trembling f ugitive a cup of water or a crust of bread. These concessions to the Slaveholders, made for the sake of immediate harmony and union, were supposed to be merely temporary. Slavery, it was hoped, would speedily yield to the s pirit of freedom, and, confined w ithin n arrow l imits, necessarily and r apidly disappear. The leading men of that day have left upon record their strong condemnation of the system, and some o fthem were active members of associations formed for its extirpation* B ut w ith another generation came new circumstances and new ideas. The introduction of Cotton-culture opened a profitable field for the employment of Slave labour. The acquisition of new t erritory, p ermitting the extension of Slavery, and an economical c alculation showing that a planter could profitably " work u p " a g ang of Slaves in seven years, and supply their place   not by n atural increase, but by new importations from older Slave States     created an active Domestic trade, and secured to V irginia, M aryland, and the Carolinas an immense return for their " v i gintial" crop of Negroes. The North was reconciled to share i n the national iniquity by a commercial prosperity based upon the steadily increasing production of a great staple export. The admission of new Slave States to the Union added to the political strength of the Slaveholders   the power to acquire and use w hich the fatal concessions of the Constitution had put into their hands. T hus the growth of this Slaveholding despotism has advanced w ith the growth and prosperity of the country. It has rarely

  
PREFACE.

5

excited the apprehension of the N orth. If, as at the time of the acceptance of the M issouri Compromise, she has seemed for a moment thoroughly aroused, it was easy to amuse and quiet her w ith some c unning scheme of a Southern politician, made only to be broken the moment the North demanded its promised advantage. The.history of the Government from the beginning is a repetition of s imilar acts of Slaveholding domination, faithlessness, and p usillanimity. I n p reparing this work the author has not depended on the facts or arguments of those who have been known as " A b o litionists," b ut has chosen rather to rely upon such, authorities and sources of information as cannot be impeached for their relation to the Abolition party. For the character of Slavery the South i s its own witness. The Southern clergyman and his N orthern a lly are permitted to show, in their own words, how they reconcile that system to the Divine W i l l . The Northern c lergyman, whose s tanding in the Church and whose orthodox i ntegrity are unquestioned, bears i mpartial testimony to the wickedness of an i nstitution, the defender of which he, nevertheless, recognises as a C hristian brother. The politician piles fact u pon fact, and argument upon argument, i n denunciation of S lavery and the Slave-power, through the organs of a party w hich denies that it has any wish or intention to interfere w ith S lavery where it already exists, or to withhold from the Slaveholder any of the privileges which the Constitution confers uponhim. A gainst such witnesses there can be brought no charge of f anaticism. I f there s hall seem to be any glaring inconsistency between the avowal that Slavery is a gigantic wrong, or a heinous s in, and a position as a C hristian or a citizen which gives to it that support without which it cannot exist, it is for those between whose f aith a nd works such contradiction appears, to explain and j ustify it. The author of this work has done h is part if by unimpeachable testimony he has shown the true character and the true relations of American Slavery. 1*

  
A P A G E F OR 1864!
W H Y S U P P R E S S E D ? Reader, would you l ike to know? Read the B OOK, and you w ill presently discover why. Would you have p ublished i t when it was written? AVould you even have read it? W ould you not have indignantly put it from you, muttering something about " those abominable abolitionists"? T his B OOK was written Anno Domini 1857. The stereotype plates from which it is now printed, were made then. Since that t ime, as the penalty for having been brought into the world seven years too soon, they have slumbered, unknown, unnoticed, and u ndisturbed, beneath the surface of the earth. B ut, w hile they slept, the nation has been " marching on." A wake to its danger, it springs from its former lethargy, and wonders at its long-continued apathy to its true interests. We are not what we were seven years ago. We dare to read things at which we then would have looked w ith suspicion. We no longer tremble at the thought of what the slave power would do to us, were it to catch us doing any thing contrary to its bidding. AVe open our mouths to shout aloud what is right, instead of being almost afraid to whisper it. AVe can p rint, p ublish, read, speak, and l isten to   exactly what we please. A nd now, brought to the light of day, the B OOK discloses the hideous skeleton of the institution which we have fondled and petted t ill i t has almost been the death of us. It reveals the dark deeds of slavery, and opens to view its hideous purposes, its revolutionary premeditations. It is no hackneyed hash of the wornout things which for a generation have been said about slavery. I t is fresh, v ivid, s parkling, cutting to the very quick. Its pictures are true to the l ife. Its almost prophetic utterances are borne*out by the light of the terrible deeds of the past three years. Y ou can read it now. You w ill not have to conceal it i n your drawer, or furtively slip it into your waste-paper basket, or under the table-cover, if you are interrupted while absorbed i n the t hrilling interest of its pages. You can hold it open before y our n eighbor, for he wants to read it. The nation wants to see it. The world needs to know the truths contained in it. AND 6 NOAY L E T T H E W O R L D R E A D I T.

  
CONTENTS.
PART
T ITINGS P AST A N D
CHAP. I .     H o w T H E N E G R O nAS II.   THE SLAVES III.    COMMERCIAL AND "UNION-SAVING" D I E N C E TO S L A V E R Y I V .     T H E IMPERIOUS POWER D E M A N D S OF T H E SLAVE 89 OBE63

I.
PRESENT.
PAGS

BEEN TREATED OF HAM," AS

9 37

UNFORTUNATE "SONS

P A R T I I.
S L A V E S , H ORSES, A N D O THER C A T T L E .
CHAP. I .     T H E " N I G G E R AUCTION" BUSINESS II.   COFFLE GANGS* AND THE SEPARATION OF 159 FAMILIES 121

P A R T I II.
S L A V E L I F E ON THE
CHAP. II.   STRIPES,

PLANTATION.
187 209

I .     T H E B A R B A R I S M S OF T H E I N S T I T U T I O N CHAINS, A N D TORTURES

P A R T I V.
S L A V E EDUCATION A N D
CHAP. I.   IGNORANCE BIBLE

RELIGION.
233 251

OF T H E S L A V E R E G I O N

I I .     M U Z Z L I N G THE PRESS AND MANGLING THE

  
8

CONTENTS.

PART V.
D OMESTIC A MUSEMENTS I N T HE S L A V E S TATES.
CHAP. I.   FUGITIVES A N D BLOODHOUNDS NIGGERS" LOST " P R O P E R T Y " II.   HUNTING "RUNAWAY III.   RESTORING
PAGE

277 313 335

PART VI.
T HE S L A V E P OWER A D V A N C I N G .
CHAP. I.   OSTEND, CUBA, AND KANSAS 353

I I .     S L A V E R Y TO R E I G N S U P R E M E I N A M E R I C A . 3 6 7

APPENDIX

A .     C O L O R P H O B I A I NF R E E STATES

381

B .     T H E R E V . JUDICIOUS TRIMMER, D.D.. 393 C.     D O M E S T I C A N D FOREIGN S L A V E - T R A D E 4 0 7 D     DOUGH-FACE RELIGION POSTSCRIPT, 1 8 6 4 PARTICULAR INDEX
t

417 427 429

I LLUSTRATIONS.
HUMAN THE F L E S H A T A U C T I O N ( Frontispiece). H A L T I N G A T NOON. COFFLE-GANG. " S O L D TO GO S O U T H . THE LASH. FLOGGING THE NEGRO. T H E BLOODHOUND RUNNING AWAY. BUSINESS.

  
PART
A GENERAL VIEW OF OF

FIRST.
AND PRESENT STATE THINGS.

THE PAST

CHAPTER

I.

" When I reflect that God is just, and that his justice can not sleep for ever, I tremble for my c ountry."     JEFFERSON. " There is no power out of the churches that could sustain Slavery an hoar, if it were not sustained in t hem."     BARNES. U N D E R the whole heavens there is not to be found a people p ursued with a m ore r elentless prejudice and persecution, t han are the " colored" children of the United States of North A merica. T hose who imbibe this prejudice against " c olor"     a p ractical denial of the U nity o f the Ruman race as taught i n the Bible   become infidels without suspecting it. T hose who oppose i t, and oppose S lavery, are driven into the i nfidelity that rejects the Bible by hearing the Bible appealed to i n defence o f them. In the N e w Testament, we are told that " G od hath made o f one blood a ll nations of men," (Acts x v i i . 1 7 ;) and, that " he is no respecter of persons," (Acts x. 3 4 ; E p h . v i . 9.) " I n C hrist," says St. P a u l , " a l l are o ne: there is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond n or free." A n d Christ has l aid down as the foundation of a l l true religion, and as the rule of our conduct t oward him and his c hildren, that we l ove the Lord our God with all our heart, a nd with all our soul, and with all our mind, and our Neighbor
I*

  
10

A

GENERAL

VIEW

OF T H E PAST

as ourselves. On these two commandments hang all the L a w a nd the prophets. (Matt, x xii., 3 7 - 4 0 . ) S enator M o r r i l l , of N e w Hampshire, in a Speech, delivered i n the United States Senate in 1 8 2 0 , said: " Y o u excluded n ot only your Soldiers of Color from their Constitutional r ights, but robbed them of the Patents of land you had given them. T hey fought your battles. T h e y defended y our country T hey preserved your privileges, but have lost their own. W hat d id you say to them on their E nlistment ? ' W e w i l l g ive you a monthly compensation, and, at the end of the war, one hundred and sixty acres of land, on which you may settle, a nd by cultivating the s oil, s pend your declining years in peace and i n the enjoyment of those i mmunities for which you have fought and bled.' Now, sir, you restrict them, and w ill not a llow them to enjoy the f ruit o f their labor. W h e r e is the P ublic f aith? D i d they suppose, w ith a P atent in their hand, d eclaring t heir title to land in M issouri, w ith the Seal of the N ation and the President's signature affixed thereto, it would be said unto them, by any authority, ' you s hall not possess the premises'? and yet this must follow i f 'colored men are not citizens.'" H e that is not a C itizen is either an A l i e n o r Slave. H e that is not a C itizen can not inherit house or land. H e can not r eceive them by devise while he lives, nor bequeath them b y his W i l l when he dies. The property given to him reverts to the State. H i s wife has no dower. H i s children have no i nheritance. H e can not come i nto the Courts for redress. H e c an neither sue to r ecover r ights nor to obtain debts. H e can hold no trust and exercise no guardianship. H e can be hanged or sent to j ail, but he can not sit in the Jury-box. H e can not be naturalized unless he is " w h i t e ; " can not acquire r ights b y staying in the country, nor can he have a Passport to go to any other. Such is the condition of him who is not a c itizen of the State under the Common L a w , and such is

  
AND

PRESENT

STATE

OF THINGS.

11

defined to be the condition of every " free colored" man and w oman, by the Supreme Court of the United States   that S upreme Court which strains every nerve to catch a single S lave, but does not scruple a moment to disfranchise seven h undred a nd fifty thousand freemen ! A t the time of the Declaration of Independence there were but two States, South Carolina and V irginia, i n which " free c olored men" were excluded from citizenship. In all the other States no distinction was made as to the right of suffrage, on the ground of " color;" and so the matter also stood at the p eriod of the adoption of the Federal Constitution, e xcept i n the case o f l ittle D elaware, she having adopted by that time the exclusive polic}'. T homas Jefferson, the immortal penman of the Declaration of Independence, ascribed Citizenship to the Slaves no less t han to the "free colored men." The following passage, quoted from the " Proclamation" he issued in reference to the outrage of the B ritish m an-of-war Leopard upon the American f rigate Chesapeake, relates to " free colored men." T o understand the force o f this quotation, it should be recollected that o f the four seamen taken from the American service, the two b orn in the United States were " black men," natives of M a r y land. T h e passage in the " Proclamation" is as follows:    " This enormity was not only without provocation or justifiable cause, but was committed with the avowed purpose of taking by force from a ship-of-war of the United Spates a part of her crew, and that no circumstance might be wanting to mark its character, it had been previously ascertained that the seamen demanded were Native Citizens of the United States." I n his " Notes on V i r g i n i a , " Jefferson shows what he thought as to the possibility of Slaves being Citizens of the United S tates. A fter enumerating some o f the horrors of the atrocious concern called the " Peculiar Institution," he proceeds as follows:

  
12

A

GENERAL

V I E W OF T H E PAST

" A n d w i t h w h a t e x e c r a t i o n s h o u l d the statesman m i t t i n g one half of the Citizens transforms t hose i n t o despots, a n d these

be loaded, who, perd estroys tho

thus to trample on the rights of the other,

m o r a l s o f the ono a n d tho amor patrice

into enemies, of the other."

T he H o n . Tristram Burgess, of R hode I sland, in a Speech in C ongress, in January, 1828, said: " A t the commencement o f the war, R hode I sland had a large number of Slaves. A regiment of them w ere e nlisted into the Continental service, and no braver men met the e nemy i n battle." G overnor Eustis, of Massachusetts, in his Speech against S lavery i n Missouri, i n 1820,. bore this testimony to the bravery of the Colored Soldiers: " The blacks formed an entire R egiment, and they discharged their duty with zeal and fidelity. T he gallant defence of Red Bank, N e w Jersey, in which the Black Regiment bore a p art, is among the proofs o f t heir v alor." T he glory of the defence o f Red Bank, which has been p ronounced one of the most H eroic actions of the W a r , belongs i n reality to black men ; yet who now hears them s poken o f in connection with it ? Here are a few of the names of the Soldiers c omposing the Regiment:   
Cato Greene, C oesar P o w e r , CulT Greene, Gay Watson, Henry Taylor, Ichabod Nortln-up, Philo Philipps, P r i m u s Rhodes, P r i n c e Greene, Prince Jenks, Prince Vaughnn, Reuben Roberts, R i c h a r d Cozzens, Richard Rhodes, Sampson Hazzard, Scipio B r o w n , Thomas B r o w n , York CUamplain.

G entlemen, who bad at first held b ack from taking commissions, finding how matters w ere g oing, assumed commands, as r eadily of the Black Companies as if they had been p ure C a u casian blood. The nephew o f General Washington, Captain H umphreys     take notice, sham democrats o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y     a n ephew o f General Washington, acting under the i nspirations of his immortal uncle   commanded one of these

  
AND

PRESENT

STATE OF THINGS.

13

b attalions; notice, likewise, that their courage w a s equal to that of the white regulars.* The following is a list of some of the names o f the " B l a c k H eroes" c ommanded b y Captain H umphreys. T h e y belonged to the S econd C ompany of the N i n t h R egiment of the Connecticut L i n e of the Revolutionary
Army:    Alexander Judd, Andrew Jack, B i l l Sowers, Bristen Parker, C aesar C h a p m a n , Cato W i l b r o w , Cato Robinson, H e r m a n Rodgers, Isaac H i g g i n s , Jack Arabus, Jack Little, James D i n a h , Jesse Rose, J o b Ca;sar,     Peter L y o n , Peter M i x , Peter M o r a n d , Phineas Strong, Pliilo Freeman, Pomp Cyras, Pomp Liberty, lead Nov.

* It w o u l d seem f r o m the r e c o r d that some b l a c k m e n c o u l d o ff i n a fight, o n a n e m e r g e n c y . 20, 1750, C r i s p u s A t t u c k s , w a s a d v e r t i s e d i n the Boston " G a z e t t e " of

A " d e s c e n d a n t of H a m , " n a m e d

as a " r u n a w a y nigger." H i s t o r y does not i n f o r m us whether o r not the " p a t r i a r c h " who a d v e r t i s e d him s u c c e e d e d i n c a t c h i n g h im. P r o b a b l y n o t . C r i s p u s may have been smart e n o u g h t o keep out o f his way B u t o n the 5 t h o f M a r c h , 1 7 7 0 , the r u n a w a y p r o v e d that h e was no c o w a r d . Captain Preston, with a body o f B r i t i s h s o l d i e r s , u n d e r t o o k to repress s y m p t o m s o f r e v o l u t i o n
t h e n m a n i f e s t i n a c r o w d o f B o s t o n i a n s at D o c k S q u a r e and n e a r Custom-House. fearing of the tucks, seeing streets. The the Athead the

" white
of

folks"

hesitated the

a

little,

probably

to i n a u g u r a t e crowd, and

hostilities with

mother-country. h i m s e l f at red-coats Two

the need

a

leader, plaeed to d r i v e the

the
from

urged

them

H e rushed forward, shouting, " C o m e on! r ed-coats o ut o f B o s t o n ! " b l a c k m a n f e l l , the the "a body of first of the

D o n ' t be a f r a i d ! bullets No pierced

W e ' l l d r i v e these his b r e a s t , and for the freedom marks in the the spot

m a r t y r i n the struggle monument man lies, to

the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a . nigger."

where

this courageous to erect been a of and

simply because he was Legislature of but it failed. him,

A n effort w a s r e c e n t l y m a d e , monument the sort costly commonu-

Massachusetts,

H a d his

epidermis

monly k n o w n this m a n or

as " f l e s h - c o l o r , " parents,"

a magnificent

ment w o u l d have commemorated

his brave deed.

" W h o did sin, yellowish-brown

his

that

he was b o r n w i t h

skin?

  
14 C aesar B a g t o n , Cuff Freeman, Cuff Liberty, Congo Zado, Daniel Bradley, Dick Freeman, Dick Violet,

A

GENERAL

V I E W OF T H E PAST Pomp M'Cuff, Prince Crosby, Prince George, Prince Johnson, Shapp Ilodgers, Sharp C a m p , Solomon Lowtice, Shubael Johnson, T i m C aesar, T o m Freeman.

Joe Etis, John Ball, John Cleveland, John M'Lane, J o h n Ilodgers, Juba Dyer, Juba Freeman, Lent Munson, Lewis Martin, Ned Freeman,

Ezekiel Tuphara, Gamelia Ferry, Harry Williams,

A m o n g the traits which distinguished the Black Regiments, was devotion to their Officers. In the attack made u pon the A merican l ines, near Croton river, Westchester County, N e w Y o r k , o n the 13th M a y , 1781, Colonel Christopher Greene, the commander of the Regiment, was cut down and mortally w ounded, but the sabres of the e nemy o nly reached him through the bodies of his faithful guard of blacks, who hovered o ver h im, fighting with the utmost daring to protect h im u ntil the last m an of them was k illed. N o monumental piles distinguish their " dreamless b eds;" not an inch on the page o f H istory has been a ppropriated to their memory! N ot long ago, while the excavations for the vaults of a great r etail d ry goods store, north of the P a r k , New Y o r k , w ere g oing o n, a large quantity of human bones w ere t hrown up by the workmen. On inquiry it was ascertained that they w ere the bones of Colored American Soldiers, who fell in the battles of L o n g Island, in 1776, and of such as died of wounds t hen received. A t that clay, as at this, spite of the declaration that " all men are created equal," the prejudice against the " c olored m an" was intensely strong. The black and the w hite had fought against the same e nemy, u nder the same b anner, contending for the same object. B u t in the grave, t hey must be divided. On the battlefield, the blacks and the whites had mixed their bravery and their blood, but their ashes m ust not mingle in the bosom o f their common m other.

  
AND

rHESENT

STATE OF

THINGS.

15

T he white man, exclusive and haughty even in his b urial, must h ave his place of rest proudly apart from the grave of his b lack brother, whom he had once e nslaved. Now, after s eventy-nine years have passed by, the bones o f these forgotten v ictims of the Revolution are shovelled up, and carted off, a nd t hrown into the sea, as the rubbish of the C i t y ! H a d t hey been white men's relics, they would have been honored w ith sumptuous b urial anew. N o w they are the rubbish of the Street. What boots i t that the Colored man fought for A merican freedom ; that he bled for liberty ; that he died for l iis w hite brothers ? D oes the Colored man deserve a tomb ? ( See Appendix A . ) T hree quarters of a century have passed by since the retreat f rom L o n g Island. W h a t a change since then ! F r o m the Washington of that day to the world's Washington of t his, what a change ! Under the pavement of Broadway, beneath the walls of the Bazaar, there s till l ie the bones of the Colored M artyrs of American Independence ! Dandies swarm gayly o ver the threshold, heedless of the dead Colored Soldier, contemptuous of the l iving. A n d while these f aithful bones were b eing shoveled and carted to the sea, there was " a great S lave-hunt" i n N e w E n g l a n d : a man was kidnapped and carried off to bondage. T he H o n . Charles Pinckney, of South C arolina, i n a Speech d elivered in the United States Senate, in 1820, bore the following testimony to the services rendered by the Colored S oldiers of 177G: " A t the commencement of the Revolutionary s truggle w ith G reat B ritain, a ll the States had this class o f people. The N e w England States had numbers of them; the Middle States had s till m ore, although less than the Southern States. They all entered into the great contest w ith s imilar v iews. L i k e b rethren they contended for the benefit of the wdiole, leaving to each the right to pursue its happiness in its o wn way. They thus nobly toiled and bled together, r eal-

  
16

A

GENERAL

VIEW

OF T H E FAST

]y l ike b rethren. The colored portion of the population then were, as they still are, as valuable to the Union us any other equal number of inhabitants. They were in numerous instances the PioTieers, and in -all, the Laborers of your Armies. T o their hands were owing the erection of the greatest part o f the Fortifications raised for the protection of our country. I n the Northern States, numerous bodies o f them were enlisted, and fought side by side w ith the whites the battles of the R evolution." T h e H o n . Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, i n his S peech in Congress, on the Imprisonment of Colored Seamen, S eptember, 1850, bore t his testimony to the gallant conduct o f the Colored Soldiers of the W a r of 1812: " I have an i m pression that, not, indeed, i n these piping times of Peace, but i n the time of the W a r , when quite a boy, I have seen Black S oldiers enlisted, who did faithful and excellent service. B u t , h owever it may have been i n the Northern States, I can t ell the Senator what happened in the Southern States at this p eriod. I believe that I s hall be borne out in saying, that no Regiments did better service at New Orleans, than did the Black Reqiments, which were organized under the d irection o f General Jackson himself." W h i l e the B ritish force was" approaching Louisiana, G e n eral J ackson learned that among its ranks were Regiments of C olored M e n , and he wished to excite the sentiments of loyalty i n the bosoms o f the " colored people" of that state. The c ondition of affairs was such, that not a man could be spared. T he Government at Washington had left New Orleans utterly w ithout defence, a nd the general had to a vail h imself of all the means w ithin h is reach to get together a force s trong e nough to make resistance w ith s omething l ike a chance in his f avor of success. T o this- e nd, on the 21st of September, 1 814, he issued from his Headquarters, at Mobile, Alabama, a " P roclamation," of which the following is a true c opy :

  
AND

PRESENT

STATE OF THINGS. Headquarters, 7th Military

17 District, 1814.

M O B I L E , September 21, T o T H E F R E E C O L O R E D I NHABITANTS OF L O U I S I A N A :

T h r o u g h a m i s t a k e n p o l i c y y o u h a v e heretofore been d e p r i v e d o f a p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the g l o r i o u s s t r u g g l e for N a t i o n a l R i g h t s , i n w h i c h y o u r c o u n t r y is engaged. Americans, valorous ence. T h i s no l o n g e r s h a l l e x i s t . A s sons o f freedom, As a y o u are n o w c a l l e d o n to defend o u r m o s t i n e s t i m a b l e b l e s s i n g s . your country looks with confidence As fathers, of the Eagle, to her colored children for support.

husbands, and brothers, you are summoned to to defend all that is dear to exist-

rally around the Standard

Y o u r c o u n t r y , a l t h o u g h c a l l i n g f or y o u r e x e r t i o n s , d oes n o t w i s l i I n the s i n c e r i t y o f a S o l d i e r , a n d i n the l a n g u a g e o f T r u t h , I T o e v e r y noble-hearted m a n o f C o l o r , v o l u n t e e r i n g to

y o u to e ngage i n h e r cause w i t h o u t r e m u n e r a t i n g y o u for the services rendered. a ddress y o u .

s erve d u r i n g the present contest w i t h G r e a t B r i t a i n , a n d n o l o n g e r , there w i l l b e p a i d the same b o u n t y i n m o n e y a n d l a n d n o w received b y the w h i t e S o l d i e r s o f the U n i t e d S t a t e s , v i z . : S I 24 in money, and 160 acres of land. American The non-commissioned soldier. ofiicers and privates will also be entitled to to any white the same monthly pay and daily rations, and clothes, furnished

T h e m a j o r - g e n e r a l c o m m a n d i n g w i l l s elect officers for Y o u r non-commisD u e r e g a r d w i l l be p a i d

your government from your white fellow-Citizens. s i o n e d officers w i l l b e selected f r o m y o u r s e l v e s . t o the feelings o f F r e e m e n a n d S o l d i e r s . parisons, or unjust sarcasm.

Y o u w i l l n ot, b y b e i n g asso-

ciated w i t h w h i t e m e n , i n the same corps, be e x p o s e d to i m p r o p e r c o m A s a distinct independent battalion or T o i n s u r e y o u o f the S i n r e g i m e n t , p u r s u i n g the p a t h o f g l o r y , y o u w i l l , u n d i v i d e d , receive the applause and gratitude of y o u r countrymen. c e r i t y o f m y I n t e n t i o n s , a n d m y a n x i e t y t o.engage y o u r v a l u a b l e services t o o u r c o u n t r y , I h a v e c o m m u n i c a t e d m y wishes to the G o v e r n o r o f L o u i s i a n a , w h o is f u l l y i n f o r m e d as to the m a n n e r o f e n r o l m e n t s , and w i l l g i v e y o u e v e r y necessary i n f o r m a t i o n on the subject o f this address. ANDREW JACKSON, Commanding.

Major- General

T here is an elaborate Engraving of the Battle of New O rleans, eighteen by twenty inches, e xecuted b y M . H y a cinthe Laclotte, the correctness o f which was certified to, by e leven of the Superior Officers i n N e w Orleans, J u l y 1 5,1815, w hen the drawing was completed. In the battle, Genera] J ackson and his staff w ere j ust at the right of the advancing

  
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left column of the B ritish, a nd near him w ere stationed the C olored Soldiers. H e is numbered " 6," and the position of the Colored Soldiers, " 8." The chart explanation of " Report, N o . 8," from the American A r m y , reads thus: " 8. Captains D ominique and Bluche, two 24-pounders; Major Lacoste's b attalion, formed of M e n of Color, of New Orleans, and Major D aquin's battalion, formed of the M e n of Color of St. Domingo, u nder Major Savery, second i n command." W h e n it is remembered that the whole number of Soldiers claimed by the A mericans to have been i n that battle reached only 3 ,600, i t w i l l be seen that the " M e n of Color" w ere present in larger p roportion than their numbers in the country warranted. G eneral J ackson in his second " p roclamation" said :
N E W O R L E A N S , December 1 8 , 1 8 1 4 . T o T H E F R E E P E O P L E OP C O L O R : S o l d i e r s ! w h e n o n the b a n k s o f the M o b i l e , I palled y o u to t a k e u p a r m s , i n v i t i n g y o u to p a r t a k e the perils a n d g l o r y o f y o u r white f e l l o w C i t i z e n s , I e x p e c t e d m u c h f r o m y o u , for I was not i g n o r a n t that y o u p ossessed q u a l i t i e s most f o r m i d a b l e to a n i n v a d i n g e n e m y . of a campaign. you Parents, pected. things. 1 knew well how you loved your Native and Property. I knew with w h a t f ortitude y o u c o u l d e n d u r e h n n g e r a n d t hirst, a n d a l l the fatigues country, and that dear   his as well as ourselves, had to defend what Man Wife,'Children, In addition Soldiers to the previous qualities holds most

You have done more than 1 ex1 before knew you to possess, I of great praiseof Tho Their

found among you a noble enthusiasm ! the President

wh