xt7rxw47qd68 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7rxw47qd68/data/mets.xml  1826  books b92-140-29331689 English Printed by Shepherd & Pollard, : Richmond, Va. : Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Alien and Sedition laws, 1798. Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798.Madison, James, 1751-1836 Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826 Resolutions of Virginia and Kentucky, penned by Madison and Jefferson in relation to the Alien and Sedition laws text Resolutions of Virginia and Kentucky, penned by Madison and Jefferson in relation to the Alien and Sedition laws 1826 2002 true xt7rxw47qd68 section xt7rxw47qd68 




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  The administration of Mr. John Adams was a dark day for the
Republic. Then, Alien and Sedition acts were let loose upon us:
the purity of the Constitution itself was violated by the madness
of party: and those Rights which had been respectively reserved
to the States and to the People, were exposed to the most fearful
jeopardy by the usurpations of the Federal Government.
  But, the friends of the Constitution did not " despair of the Re-
public." Though the liberty of Speech and of the Press were in-
vaded; though the power and patronage of the Government were
exerted to intimidate or seduce the people; the Republicans did
not abandon the cause of their Country.  Their resistance conti-
nued with the crisis: the form of it only was varied. While Mr.
Jefferson remained in the Senate of the United States, and Mr.
Gallatin in the House of Representatives, most of their most able
and active friends, in some of the States, retired from the walks of
the General Government, and retreated to the State Legislatures;
in which great citadels of the public Liberty, they proposed to re-
assert the true principles of the Government. The Republicans
succeeded; and the Constitution was saved.
  Among the most memorable productions of those times, were
the Resolutions and Reports, which were adopted by the Legisla-
tures of Kentucky and Virginia. These were penned bv Jefferson
and Madison. To Mr. Madison is due, the honor of having draft-
ed the Virginia Resolutions of the 21st December, 1798; and that
masterly Vindication of them, which was adopted by the Legisla-
ture of Virginia during the session of '99-1800: a paper, which is
familiarly known by the name of ". Madison's Report," and which
deserves to last as long as the Constitution itself.
  The Resolutions of Kentucky, were submitted to the Legisla-
ture of that State, by Mr. John Breckenridge, and adopted by them
on the 10th November, 1798. They had the honor of being pen-
ned by the Author of the Declaration of American Indepen ence.
  Both these esteemed Productions are scarce, and out of print.
They are frequently asked for.  They are again wanting, to re-
establish the land-marks of the Constitution; and to stay that
flood of encroachment which threatens to sweep our Country.
The Rights of the States and of the People, are again assailed in
an alarming manner.   D)octriiies are preached in high places,
which are directly at war with the principles of our Government.
The Centripetal power is assuming a new and fearful energy.
Under the authority of great names, great errors are maintained.
Is it not time, then, for the friends of Truth to rally together, and
to re-assert her principles P Where can we find these principles
more clearly stated, or the arguments in their defence more pow-
erfully developed, than in the celebrated Productions which the
Publisher of this Pamphlet now lays before his readers 
  Richmond,(Va.) February, 1826.



                       MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1800.
  Resolved, That five thousand copies of the Report of the
Select Committee, to whom were referred the answers of seve-
ral States upon the Resolutions of the last Legislature, the said
answers, [and also, the instructions to the Senators of this
State, in the Congress of the United States, together with the
names of those who voted on each of those subjects,] be print-
ed without delay; and that the Executive be requested, as soon
as may be, to distribute them equally, in such manner as they
shall think best, among the good people of this Commonwealth.
                        WILLIAM     WIRT, C. H. D.
                        H. BROOKE, C. 

  [0t7 The part contained in brackets, is not embraced in
the present publication.]



             STdTE OF DBL.1W.1RE.


                   February 1, 1799.

  RESOLVED, By the Senate and House of Representatives of
the State of Delaware, in General Assembly met, that they con-
sider the resolutions from the State of Virginia, as a very un-
justifiable interference with the General Government and Con-
stituted Authorities of the United States, and of dangerous ten-
dency, and therefore not a fit subject for the further considera-
tion of the General Assembly.
                   ISAAC DAVIS, Speaker of Senate.

                   STEPHEN LEWIS, Speaker of the
                             House of Representatives.


        JOHN FISHER, C. S.
        JOHN CALDWELL, C. H. R.

  Resolved, That the above resolution be signed by the Speaker
of Senate, and by the Speaker of the House of Representatives;
and that the Governor of this State be requested to forward the
same to the Governor of the State of Virginia.
                     JOHN FISHER, C. S.
                     JOHN CALDWELL, C. H. R.






         In General .Issembly, Feb. d. D. 1799.

  CERTAIN resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia, passed
on the twenty-first day of December last, being communicat-
ed to this Assembly,
  1. Resolved, That in the opinion of this Legislature, the se-
cond section of the third article of the Constilution of the Uni-
ted States, in these words, to wit: The Judicial power shall ex-
tered to all cases, arising under the laws of the United States,
vests in the Federal Courts, exclusively, and in the Supreme
Court of the United States, ultimately, the authority of decid-
ing on the Constitutionality of any act or law of the Congress
of the United States.
  2. Resolved, That for any State Legislature to assume that
authority, would be,
  1st. Blending together Legislative and Judicial powers.
  2d. Hazarding an interruption of the peace of the States by
civil discord, in case of a diversity of opinions among the State
Legislatures; each State having, in that case, no resort for vin-
dicating its own opinion, but to the strength of its own arm.
  3d. Submitting most important questions of law, to less com-
petent tribunals: and
  4th. An infraction of the Constitution of the United States,
expressed in plain terms.
  S. Resolved, That although for the above reasons, this Le-
gislature, in their public capacity, do not feel themselves au-
thorised to consider and decide on the Constitutionality of the
Sedition and Alien Laws (so called:) Yet they are called upon
by the exigency of this occasion, to declare, that in their pri-
vate opinions, these laws are within the powers delegated to
Congress, and promotive of the welfare of the United States.
  4. Resolved, That the Governor communicate these resolu-
tions to the Supreme Executive of the State of Virginia, and at
the same time, express to him, that this Legislature cannot con-
template, without extreme concern and regret, the many evil


and fatal consequences which may flow from the very unwar-
rantable resolutions aforesaid, of the Legislature of Virginia,
passed on the twenty-first day of December last.
                     at true copy,
                              SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'y.


            IN SENATE, FEBRUARY 9, 1799.
  THE Legislature of Massachusetts having taken into serious
consideration the resolutions of the State of Virginia, passed
the 21st day of December last, and communicated by his ex-
cellency the Governor, relative to certain supposed infractions
of the Constitution of the United States, by the Government
thereof, and being convinced that the Federal Constitution is
calculated to promote the happiness, prosperity and safety of
the people of these United States, and to maintain that union
of the several States, so essential to the welfare of the whole;
and, being bound by solemn oath to support and defend that
Constitution, feel it unnecessary to make any professions of
their attachment to it, or of their firm determination to support
it against every aggression, foreign or domestic.
  But they deem it their duty solemnly to declare, that while
they hold sacred the principle, that the consent of the people
is the only pure source of just and legitimate power, they can-
not admit the right of the State Legislatures to denounce the
administration of that Government to which the people them-
selves, by a solemn compact, have exclusively committed their
national concerns: That, although a liberal and enlightened vi-
gilance among the people is always to be cherished, yet an un-
reasonable jealousy of the men of their choice, and a recurrence
to measures of extremity, upon groundless or trivial pretexts,
have a strong tendency to destroy all rational liberty at home,
and to deprive the United States of the most essential advan-
tages in their relations abroad: That this Legislature are per-
suaded, that the decision of all cases in law and equity, arising
under the Constitution of the United States, and the construc-
tion of all laws made in pursuance thereof, are exclusively vest-
ed by the people in the Judicial Courts of the United States.
  That the people in that solemn compact, which is declared
to be the supreme law of the land, have not constituted the State
Legislatures the judges of the acts or measures of the Federal
Government, but have confided to them the power of propos-
ing such amendments of the Constitution, as shall appear to


them necessary to the interests, or conformable to the wishes
of the people whom they represent.
  That by this construction of the Constitution, an amicable
and dispassionate remedy is pointed out for any evil which ex-
perience may prove to exist, and the peace and prosperity of
the United States may be preserved without interruption.
  But, should the respectable State of Virginia persist in the
assumption of the right to declare the acts of the national gov-
ernment unconstitutional, and should she oppose successfully
her force and will to those of the nation, the Constitution would
be reduced to a mere cypher, to the form and pageantry of au-
thority, without the energy of power. Every act of the Fede-
ral Government which thwarted the views or checked the am-
bitious projects of a particular State, or of its leading and in-
fluential members, would he. the ob lert of opposition and of re-
monstrance; while the people, convulsed and confused by the
conflict between two hostile jurisdictions, enjoying the protec-
tion of neither, would be wearied into a submission to some
bold leader, who would establish himself on the ruins of both.
   The Legislature of Massachusetts, although they do not
themselves claim the right, nor admit the authority, of any of
the State Governments, to decide upon the Constitutionality of
the acts of the Federal Government, still, least their silence
should be construed into disapprobation, or at best into a doubt
of the Constitutionality of the acts referred to by the State of
Virginia; and, as the General Assembly of Virginia has called
for an expression of their sentiments, do explicitly declare,
that they consider the acts of Congress, commonly called " the
Alien and Sedition Acts," not only Constitutional, but expe-
dient and necessary: That the former act respects a description
of persons whose rights were not particularly contemplated in
the Constitution of the United States, who are entitled only to
a temporary protection, while they yield a temporary allegi-
ance; a protection, which ought to be withdrawn whenever
they become "dangerous to the public safety," or are found
guilty of " treasonable machinations" against the Government:
That Congress having been especially entrusted by the people
with the general defence of the nation, had not only the right,
but were bound to protect it against internal as well as external
   That the United States, at the time of passing the /ct con-
 cerning diens, were threatened with actual invasion, had been
 driven by the unjust and ambitious conduct of the French Go-
 vernment into warlike preparations, expensive and burtlien-
 some, and had then, within the bosom of the country, thuu-
 sands of Aliens, who, we doubt not, were ready to co-operate
 in any external attack.



  It cannot be seriously believed, that the United States should
have waited till the poignard'had in fact been plunged. The
removal of aliens is the usual preliminary of hostility, and is
justified by the invariable usages of nations. Actual hostility
had unhappily long been experienced, and a formal declaration
of it the government had reason daily to expect. The law,
therefore, was just and salutary, and no officer could with so
much propriety be entrusted with the execution of it, as the
one in whom the Constitution has reposed the Executive power
of the United States.
  The Sedition Act, so called, is, in the opinion of this Legis-
lature, equally defensible. The General Assembly of Virgi-
nia, in their resolve under consideration, observe, that when
that State by its Convention, ratified the Federal Constitution,
it expressly declared, "That, among other essential rights,
the liberty of conscience and of the press cannot be cancelled,
abridged, restrained or modified by any authority of the United
States," and from its extreme anxiety to guard these rights
from every possible attack of sophistry or ambition, with other
States, recommended an amendment for that purpose; which
amendment was, in due time, annexed to the Constitution; but
they did not surely expect that the proceedings of their State
Convention were to explain the amendment adopted by the
Union.  The words of that amendment, on this subject, are,
" Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech
or of the press."
  The act complained of is no abridgment of the freedom of
either. The genuine liberty of speech and the press, is the
liberty to utter and publish the truth; but the constitutional
right of the citizen to utter and publish the truth, is not to be
confounded with the licentiousness in speaking and writing,
that is only employed in propagating falsehood and slander.
This freedom of the press has been explicitly secured by most,
if not all the State Constitutions; and of this provision there
has been generally but one construction among enlightened
men; that it is a security for the rational use and not the abuse
of the press; of which the courts of law, the juries and people
will judge: this right is not infringed, but confirmed and estab-
lished by the late act of Congress.
   By the Constitution, the Legislative, Executive and Judicial
departments of Government are ordained and established; and
general enumerated powers vested in them respectively, in-
cluding those which are prohibited to the several States. Cer-
tain powers are granted in general terms by the people to their
General Government, for the purposes of their safety and pro-
tection. That Government is not only empowered, but it is


made their duty, to repel invasions and suppress insurrections;
to guarantee to the several States a republican form of govern-
ment; to protect each State against invasion, and, when ap-
plied to, against domestic violence; to hear and decide all cases
in law and equity, arising under the Constitution, and under
any treaty or law made in pursuance thereof; and all cases of
admiralty and maritime jurisdiction, and relating to the law
of nations. Whenever, therefore, it becomes necessary to effect
any of the objects designated, it is perfectly consonant to all
just rules of construction, to infer, that the usual means and
powers necessary to the attainment of that object, are also
granted: But the Constitution has left no occasion to resort to
implication for these powers; it has made an express grant of
them, in the eighth section of the first article, which ordains,
" That Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall
be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the fore-
going powers, and all other powers vested by the Constitution
in the Government of the United States, or in any department
or officer thereof."
  This Constitution has established a Supreme Court of the
United States, but has made no provision for its protection,
even against such improper conduct in its presence, as might
disturb its proceedings, unless expressed in the section before
recited. But as no statute has been passed on this subject,
this protection is, and has been for nine years past, uniformly
found in the application of the principles and usages of the
common law. The same protection may unquestionably be
afforded by a statute passed in virtue of the before-mentioned
section, as necessary and proper, for carrying into execution
the powers vested in that department. A construction of the
different parts of the Constitution, perfectly just and fair, will,
on analagous principles, extend protection and security against
the offences in question, to the other departments of Govern-
ment, in discharge of their respective trusts.
  The President of the United States is bound by his oath,
"to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution," and it is
expressly made his duty "to take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed;" hut this would be impracticable by any created
being, if there could be no legal restraint of those scandalous
misrepresentations of his measures and motives, which directly
tend to rob him of the public confidence. And equally impo-
tent would be every other public officer, if thus left to the
mercy of the seditious.
  It is holden to be a truth most clear, that the important
trusts before enumerated, cannot be discharged by the Govern-
ment to which they are committed, without the power to re-


strain or punish seditious practices and unlawful combinations
against itself, and to protect the officers thereof from abusive
misrepresentations. Had the Constitution withheld this power,
it would have made the Government responsible for the effects,
without any control over the causes which naturally produce
them, and would have essentially failed of answering the great
ends for which the people of the United States declare, in the
first clause of that instrument, that they establish the same, viz:
"To form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure do-
mestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote
the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our-
selves and posterity."
  Seditious practices and unlawful combinations against the
Federal Government, or any officer thereof, in the performance
of his duty, as well as licentiousness of speech and of the press,
were punishable on the principles of common law in the courts
of the United States, before the act in question was passed.
This act then is an amelioration of that law in favour of the
party accused, as it mitigates the punishment which that autho-
rises, and admits of any investigation of public men and mea-
sures which is regulated by truth. It is not intended to pro-
tect men in office, only as they are agents of the people. Its
object is to afford legal security to public offices and trusts
created for the safety and happiness of the people, and there-
fore the security derived from it is for the benefit of the people
and u their right.
  This construction of the Constitution and of the existing law
of the land, as well as the act complained of, the Legislature
of Massachusetts most deliberately and firmly believe results
from a just and full view of the several parts of that Constitu-
tion; and they consider that act to be wise and necessary, as an
audacious and unprincipled spirit of falsehood and abuse had
been too long unremittingly exerted for the purpose of per-
verting public opinion, and threatened to undermine and des-
troy the whole fabric of the Government.
  The Legislature further declare, that in the foregoing senti-
ments they have expressed the general opinion of their consti-
tuents, who have not only acquiesced without complaint in
those particular measures of the Federal Government, but have
given their explicit approbation by re-electing those men who
voted for the adoption of them: Nor is it apprehended, that the
citizens of this State will be accused of supineness or of an
indifference to their constitutional rights; for, while on the one
hand, they regard with due vigilance the conduct of the Gov-
ernment; on the other, their freedom, safety and happiness
require, that they should defend that Government and its Con-


 stitutional measures against the open or insidious attacks of
 any foe, whether foreign or domestic.
   And lastly, that the Legislature of Massachusetts feel a
strong conviction, that the several United States are connected
by a common interest, which ought to render their union in-
dissoluble, and that this State will always co-operate with its
confederate States, in rendering that union productive of mu-
tual security, freedom and happiness.
         Sent down for concurrence.
                       SAMUEL PHILIPS, President.
In the House of Representatives, Feb. 13, 1799.
       Read and concurred.
                     EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Speaker.
         .1 trite copy.
                Attest,    JOHN AVERY, Secretary.

                ,S!Th TE OF NEW - YORK

                            IN SENATE, March 5, 1799.

  WHEREAS the people of the United States have established
for themselves, a free and independent National Government;
And whereas it is essential to the existence of every Govern-
ment, that it have authority to defend and preserve its Consti-
tutional powers inviolate, in as much, as every infringement
thereof tends to its subversion.  And whereas the Judicial
power extends expressly to all cases of lazv and equity arising
under the Constitution and the laws of the United States,
whereby the interference of the Legislatures of the particular
States in those cases is manifestly excluded. And whereas our
peace, prosperity and happiness, eminently depend on the pre-
servation of the Union, in order to which, a reasonable confi-
dence in the constituted authorities and chosen representatives
of the people is indispensable. And whereas every measure
calculated to weaken that confidence, has a tendency to destroy
the usefulness of our public functionaries, and to excite jea-
lousies equally hostile to rational liberty, and the principles of
a good republican Government. And whereas the Senate not
perceiving that the rights of the particular States have been



violated, nor any unconstitutional powers assumed by the Ge-
neral Government, cannot forbear to express the anxiety and
regret with which they observe the inflammatory and perni-
cious sentiments and doctrines which are contained in the reso-
lutions of the Legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky; senti-
ments and doctrines, no less repugnant to the Constitution of
the United States, and the principles of their union, than des-
tructive to the Federal Government, and unjust to those whom
the people have elected to administer it: wherefore,
  Resolved, That while the Senate feel themselves constrained
to bear unequivocal testimony against such sentiments and doc-
trines, they deem it a duty no less indispensable, explicitly to
declare their incompetency, as a branch of the Legislature of
this State, to supervise the acts of the General Government.
  Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be, and he is
hereby requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolution
to the Executives of the States of Virginia and Kentucky, to
the end, that the same may be communicated to the Legisla-
tures thereof.
                A true copy,
                          ABM. B. BAUCKER, Clerk.


  AT a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden
at Hartford, in the said State, on the second Thursday of May,
Anno Domini, 1799, his Excellency the Governor having com-
municated to this Assembly sundry resolutions of the Legisla-
ture of Virginia, adopted in December, 1798, which relate to
the measures of the General Government, and the said resolu-
tions having been considered, it is
  Resolved, That this Assembly views with deep regret, and
explicitly disavows, the principles contained in the aforesaid
resolutions; and particularly the opposition to the "Alien and
Sedition Acts," acts, which the Constitution authorised; which
the exigency of the country rendered necessary; which the
constituted authorities have enacted, and which merit the en-
tire approbation of this Assembly.-They therefore decidedly
refuse to concur with the Legislature of Virginia, in promo-
ting any of the objects attempted in the aforesaid resolutions.


  And it is further resolved, that his Excellency the Governor
be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolution to
the Governor of Virginia, that it may be communicated tW the
Legislature of that State.
Passed in the House of Representatives unanimously.
         Attest,             JOHN C. SMITH, Clerk.
Concurred unanimously in the Upper House.
         Teste,          SAMUEL WYLLYS, Sec'ry.



  THE Committee, to take into consideration the resolutions
of the General Assembly of Virginia, dated December 21st,
1798; also certain resolutions of the Legislature of Kentucky,
of the 10th November, 1798, report as follows:
  The Legislature of New-Hampshire having taken into con-
sideration certain resolutions of the General Assembly of Vir-
ginia, dated December 21, 1798; also certain resolutions of the
Legislature of Kentucky, of the 10th of November, 1798.
  Resolved, That the Legislature of New-Hampshire unequi-
vocally express a firm resolution to maintain and defend the
Constitution of the United States, and the Constitution of this
State, against every aggression, either foreign or domestic, and
that they will support the Government of the United States in
all measures warranted by the former.
  That the State Legislatures are not the proper tribunals to
determine the constitutionality of the laws of the General
Government-that the duty of such decision is properly and
exclusively confided to the Judicial department.
  That if the Legislature of New-Hampshire for mere specu-
lative purposes, were to express an opinion on the acts of the
General Government, commonly called " the Alien and Sedi-
tion Bills," that opinion would unreservedly be, that those acts
are constitutional, and in the present critical situation of our
country, highly expedient.
  That the constitutionality and expediency of the acts afore-
said, have been very ably advocated and clearly demonstrated
by many citizens of the United States, more especially by the
minority of the General Assembly of Virginia. The Legisla-


ture of New-Hampshire therefore deem it unnecessary, by any
train of arguments, to attempt further illustration of the pro-
positions, the truth of which, it is confidently believed, at this
day, is very generally seen and acknowledged.
  Which report being read and considered, was unanimously
received and accepted, one hundred and thirty-seven members
being present.
        Sent up for concurrence.
                         JOHN PRENTICE, Speaker.
lit Senate, the same day, read and concurred unanimously.
                        AMOS SHEPARD, President.
  Approved, June 15th, 1799.
                          J. T. GILMAN, Governor.
  A true copy.
        dttest,      JOSEPH PEARSON, Secretary.

              ST.1 TE OF VERMONT.

                        OCTOBER 30th, A. D. 1799.

  THE House proceeded to take under their consideration, the
resolutions of the General Assembly of Virginia, relative to
certain measures of the General Government, transmitted to
the Legislature of this State, for their consideration: Where-
  Resolved, That the General Assembly of the State of Ver-
mont do highly disapprove of the resolutions of the General
Assembly of Virginia, as being unconstitutional in their na-
ture, and dangerous in their tendency. It belongs not to State
Legislatures to decide on the constitutionality of laws made
by the General Government; this power being exclusively vest-
ed in the Judiciary Courts of the Union: That his Excellency
the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of this resolution
to the Executive of Virginia, to be communicated to the Ge-
neral Assembly of that State: And that the same be sent to
the Governor and Council for their concurrence.
                        SAMUEL C. CRAFTS, Clerk.
  17 Council, October 30, 1799.
      Read and concurred unanimously.
                   RICHARD WHITNEY, Secretary.

 This page in the original text is blank.





Of the Committee to whom were referred the Communica-
  tions of various States, relative to the Resolutions of the
  last General ssembly of this Slate, concerning the alien
  and Sedition Laws.

  WHATEVER room might be found in the proceedings of some
of the States, who have disapproved of the resolutions of the
General Assembly of this Commonwealth, passed on the 21st
day of December, 1798, for painful remarks on the spirit and
manner of those proceedings, it appears to the Committee most
consistent with the duty as well as dignity of the General As-
sembly, to hasten an oblivion of every circumstance which
might be construed into a diminution of mutual respect, con-
fidence and affection, among the members of the Union.
  The Committee have deemed it a more useful task, to revise
with a critical eye, the resolutions which have met with this
disapprobation; to examine fully the several objections and ar-
guments which have appeared against them; and to enquire
whether there be any errors of fact, of principle, or of reason-
ing, which the candor of the General Assembly ought to ac-
knowledge and correct.
  The first of the resolutions is in the words following:
  Resolved, That the General assembly of Virginia doth
unequivocally express a firm resolution to maintain and de-
fend the Constitution of the United States, and the Consti-
tution of/his State, against every aggression, either foreign
or domestic, and that they will support the Government of
the United States in all measures warranted by the former.


  No unfavorable comment. can have been made on the senti-
inents here expressed. To maintain and defend the Constitu-
tion of the United States, and of their own State, against eve-
ry aggression, hoth foreign and domestic, and to support the
Government of the United States in all measures warranted by
their Constitu'ion, are duties which the General Assembly
ought always to feel, and to which, on such an occasion, it was
evidently proper to express their sincere and firm adherence.
  In their next resolution-The General Assembly most
solemnly declares a warm attachment to the Union of the
8S'ates, to maintlain which it pledges all its powers; and
that, for this end, it is their duty to watch over and op-
pose every infrdction of those principles, which constitute
the only basis of thatL Union, because a faithful observance
of them can alone secure its existence and the pub/ic happi-

  The observation just made is equally applicable to this so-
lemn declaration, of warm attachment to the Union, and this
solemn pledge to maintain it; nor can any question arise among
enlightened friends of the Union, as to the dut