xt7wh707xb8m https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wh707xb8m/data/mets.xml Cobden, Richard, 1804-1865. 1868  books b92-190-30610438v1 English W. Ridgway ; D. Appleton, : London : New York : Contact the Special Collections Research Center for information regarding rights and use of this collection. Eastern question (Balkan) Ireland Economic conditions. United States Economic conditions. Europe Politics and government 1848-1871. Free trade. Great Britain Colonies India. Depressions. Political writings (vol. 1)  / Richard Cobden. text Political writings (vol. 1)  / Richard Cobden. 1868 2002 true xt7wh707xb8m section xt7wh707xb8m 






     VOL. I.




          NEW YORK:
    (The right of translation is reserved.)

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             TO THE


          a  tese Volumes



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EN-GLAND, IRELAND, AND AMERICA.               .   PAGE 1
  Introductory Note,          .      .    .    .   .   3
E-NGAN-D, 5-Russian Chimera, 7-David Urquhart, 9-Appre-
  hensions for our trade, 13-England, Russia, Turkey, 17-
  Desolation of Turkey, 21-What Turkey might be, 23--Eng-
  land's true Colonial Policy, 25-Greek Church, 33-Odessa,35
  -What England is asked to do for Turkey, 39-Non-interven-
  tion principle, 41.
IRELAND, 4S-Foreigner's impression of Ireland, 49-English
  ignorance of Ireland, 51-Restrictions upon Irish trade, 53-
  Political tendency of the Roman Catholic religion, 55-Pros-
  perity of Protestant States, 57-Irish Customs unchanged, 61
  -Effects of the Church of England in Ireland, 63-England
  depressed by Irish poverty, 69-Henry David IDglis' testimony,
  7:3- Charity should begin at home, 75- Lord Brougham's
  appeal for intervention, 77-Proposed remedy for absenteeism,
  79-Poor Law for Jreland, 81-Emigration, 83-Valencia as a
  trans-atlantic port, 85-Railway extension in IreLand, 89-
  Evils of a dominant Church, 91.
AMERICA, 97-English prejudice against America, 99-Commer-
  cial rivalry of the United States, 101-American and British
  exports, 103-American and Euglish Navies, 105-Military Ex-
  pense of England and America, 109-Military Defence of Eng-
  land, 111-Cotton Trade of the United States, 113-American
  Railroads, 115-Obstructions to English railway enterprise,
  119-Education in America, 121-Press of England and Ame-
  rica, 129- Old and new race of shopkeepers, 125-The English,
  an aristocratic people, 131-Fruits of an aggressive policy,
  133 - Great armaments unnecessary, 135 - Pressure of the
  debt, 139-How our revenue is rained, 143-Effects of Corn
  Law repeal, 119.


RUSSIA                                          PG..    .    .      .       AE 135
  Advertisement, 157-Introductory Note, 159-
RUSSIA, TURKEY, AND ENGLAND, 161 - Popular panics, 163-
  Character of the Turkish Government, 165-Description of
  Russia, 175-Russia and Constantinople, 183-Apprehensions
  for our trade, 18-a-True sources of national power, 191-The
  manufacturing districts, 195-Russian and British aggression,
  199-State of the Russian provinces, 20.3-The Caucasian
  tribes, 209-Wallachia and Moldavia, 211-Russia's Persian
  conquests, 213.
POLAND, RUSSIA, AND ENGLANiD, 215-Polish nobles and people,
  217-Former condition of Poland, 219-Poland since the par-
  tition, 227-Polish revolt in 1830, 233-Incitements to war
  with Russia, 235 -Absurd ideas of Russian power, 237 -
  Obstacles to Russia's domination, 251.
THE BALANCE OF PoWEn-English passion for interference, 253
  -Balance of Power, 257.
PROTECTION OF COMMERCE-King's Speech in 1836, 283-Value
  to England of her manufactures, 287-Armed protection of
  commerce, 289-Mutual dependence of England and America,
  295-True policy of the nation, 299-Effects of the great war,
  301 - Protection in France, 303 - American manufacturing
  competition, 305-Effects of armaments on commerce, 309-
  Cost of the armed protection of commerce, 311-Consequences
  of British wars, 321-Probable result of another war, 327-
  Non-intervention in foreign wars, 329-The Author's pairing
  word, 337-Supplementary note, 339-Appendix, 340.

1 793 A-ND 185.3    .   .    .                       335
Introductory Note, 357-Preface, 359.
LETTER I., 3,31-Belief concerning the last French war, 363-
Expulsion of the Frencb Ambassador, 165-Peace party in
  1793, 367-The Dake's theory of military duty, 369.
LETTER II., 373-Historical sources of information, ibid.-Ante-
  cedent state of opinion, 375-Speeches of Burke and Fox, 377-
  The Constituent Assembly, 379-Alarm of the European
  overeigns, 381--Grounds of foreign  interference, 383-




  France not responsible for the war, 385-Anstriau and
  Prussian manifesto, 387-Results of the manifesto, 389-The
  two parties in England, 391-Duke of Brunswick's manifesto,
  393-Correspondence with the French Ambassador, 395-
  Action of the French Ambassador, 397-Remonstrances of the
  French Minister, 399-M. Chauvelin's interview with Lord
  Grenville, 403-French and English letters compared, 405-
  Free navigation of the Scheldt, 407-England popular in.
  France, 409-Real causes of the war, 411-The King's Speech,
  413-Fears of the Boroughmongers, 415-Edmund Burke's
  monomania, 417-Windham and Wilberforce, 419-Lord
  Fitzwilliam's admissions, 421-Alison on the origin of the
  war, 423-Warlike preparations in England, 425-Moral of
  the argument, 427.
LETTER III., 428 - Value of correct views of the war, 429-
French apology for 1794, 433-What the Revolution did for
  France, 435 - Argument applied to Englishmen, 437-The
  present danger, 439 - Letters of " an Englishman," 441-
  Invasion cry of 1847, 445-The Duke's fears in 1851, 447-
  Invasion panic literature, 449-Increase of the Army, 451-
  Influence of example, 453 - Lord Aberdeen's views, 455-
  Pacific tendencies of the age, 457-Securities for peace, 459-
  French resources in the two epochs, 461-Spoliation of invaded
  countries, 463 - Benefits of intercommunication, 465 - Sir
  William Molesworth's protest, 467-Importation of coal into
  France, 469-Cotton trade of France, 471-French silk trade,
  473-French imports, 475-Manufaeturing operatives of Paris,
  477-Mercantile tonnage of France, 479-French distrust of
  the alarmists, 481-Force of public opinion in France, 483-
  Composition of the French army, 487-Work of the Peace
  party, 489-Energy of the English character, 491-War glori-
  fied in Christian temples, 493-An example of true heroism,




The new foot-notes are printed within brackets.


  ON the evening of the 18th of June, 1845, Covent
Garden Theatre, in London, was crowded with men
and women assembled at the call of the Anti-Corn-
Law League. They had come together in order to
hear addresses from some of the eminent leaders of
that association. I was present, and had never seen
a large assembly more respectable in appearance, or
more attentive to every word that fell from the lips
of the speakers, enthusiastic applause interrupting,
from time to time, the profound silence, and again
quickly hushed into breathless attention. This vast
audience was addressed by John Bright, Richard
Cobden, and W. J. Fox.   Bright had then begun
to distinguish himself by that manly and massive
eloquence which has since given him his fame. The
oratory of Fox, who spoke last, was of a more florid
cast, and enlivened with sallies of humour, by which
the audience was greatly entertained. But most of
all was I impressed by the speech of Mr. Cobden-
by his direct dealing with the subject of discussion,
the manifest sincerity of his convictions, his air of
invincible determination, the perspicuity of his state-
ments, his skill in arranging and presenting his
topics, and the closeness of his logic. So persuasive
was his address, that I saw at once why so high a
place had been assigned him in the agitation for the

repeal of the Corn Laws. Here was one who knew
how to appeal to the general mind of his countrymen,
and having won their assent to the merits of a great
public cause, was able to infuse into them his own
resolute spirit in carrying forward that cause to its
final triumph.
   When I left the building I remember saying to a
friend that I did not see how the Corn Laws could
survive the attacks to which they were exposed, and
that I perceived, or thought I perceived, in the
meeting I had just attended, the proofs of a public
opinion too powerful for the land-ownerz much longer
to resist. The hour of triumph for the League was,
in fact, even nearer than I anticipated. In the next
year's session of Parliament, the British Ministry,
with Sir Robert Peel at its head, came forward with
a bill for removing the old restrictions on the trade
in grain, and wresting from the landed proprietors
the monopoly on which they had relied as one of the
main sources of their prosperity. The bill became
a law; the long and vehement struggle was closed
by the defeat of the aristocracy; Peel, now the object
of their displeasure, though thanked by the nation,
withdrew from the Ministry; but he, like Mr. Cobden,
found his reward in the appreciation of his country-
  More to be valued than mere success in procuring
this change to be made by Parliament was the
triumph of the principles on which the change was
founded. Mr. Cobden and his associates in the
agitation for free trade in corn had always insisted
that the agriculture of the country would suffer no

prejudice from the repeal of the Corn Laws, and the
result showed the truth of this assertion. The people
were sensibly relieved, and the Land-owners suffered
no loss; the manufacturing population had cheap
bread, and the agricultural population were not de-
prived of employment. The cultivator found himnselt
obliged to resort to more skilful methods of tillage,
and was rewarded with richer harvests. I believe I
am not mistaken when I say that among the land-
owners of Great Britain there is now no fear or
jealousy of foreign rivalry.
  This success of an association organized under
popular leaders against a powerful aristocracy has
nadce Mr. Cobden's an historical name. In discuss-
ing the justice and expediency of what were called
tile Corn Laws of Ei-glandl he was led to investigate
the principles which all measures regrulating the
intercourse between one nation and another should
rec(-)oize. All his writi-igs refer to these principles,
aiid have a value which lifts themn out of the sphere
of local and temporary interests, and which no lapse
of years can impair. They are practical illustrations
of the philosophy of commercial legislation: docu-
ments from which the history of the world's com-
inerec is to be written. At present, while the policy
of most governments in regard to their intercourse
with each other is far from being fully and finally
settled, they form a storehouse of arguments and
illustrations in the controversies continually arising.
  There are two classes of politicians statesmen the
world generally agrees in calling them, though that
title, in its proper and nobler sense, belongs to but


one of them. One class keeps studiously in sight
the rules of justice and humanity, as the principles
of legislation and government upon which it con-
scientiously supposes the welfare of the community
to depend. The other class, which is found in all
countries and in all political parties, aims at securing
and promoting certain minor interests upon one
specious pretext or another, which is taken up or
laid aside as it may serve or fail to serve the occasion.
I need not say that MIr. Cobden belonged to the
former of these classes, and was a statesman in the
highest sense of the term. In all the public mea-
sures which he discussed, he regarded mainly their
consequences to the people at large, or, in other
words, the good of the human race. In the most
civilized part of the globe, he saw how often the
subjects of the different governments were slaugh-
tered and stripped of their substance to carry on wars
in which they had no manner of interest, and the
sole motive of which was the aggrandizement or
caprice of those who ruled them. Moreover, to refer
a dispute between nations to the arbitrament of war
is in no way to obtain a just decision, and Mir. Cob-
den saw no reason why, for this brutal method, the
custom of nations should not substitute that which,
in every society, even of the loosest organization,
determines controversies between individuals, namely,
the obvious expedient of referring them to third
persons presumed to be impartial as between the
disputants. He wrote, therefore, in favour of refer-
ring to arbitrators all differences between nations
which could not be settled by negotiation. It is



certain that this method is coming more and more
into favour, as the intercourse between nations be-
comes more intimate, although various causes still
prevent it from being generally adopted. At some
timie, when mankind shall be more generally en-
ligchtened, and those who administer the governments
of the world shall be forced to pay more regard to
the interests of the people whose affairs they have
in charge, the folly of going to war may be deemed
as great as that of settling a question of law by a
boxing match. The hope that the world may grow
wiser, and therefore more peaceful, as it grows older,
is not so absurd that it has not been cherished by
the friends of the human race from an early period;
and whether it be a philanthropic dream, or, as I
believe, the expectation of a wise foresight, it has
in all ages inspired the prayers of good men, who
look for the time when the sword shall be beaten into
the pruning hook, and nations shall learn war no
  TMr. Cobden never hesitated to raise his voice
against any war undertaken by the British Govern-
ment, for causes which, in his view, did not justify a
resort to arms. In 1857, he led the majority which,
in the House of Commons, censured Lord Palmerston
for the war with China. It is most natural in a
time of war for the large majority of every nation to
take part with its own government, and to maintain
the justice of its quarrel. It was a great triumph for
the cause of impartial justice in Great Britain, when
the popuilar branch of its legislature was persuaded
so far to forego this natural preijudice as to declare



that a war in which the British ministry had involved
the nation was neither just nor necessary.
  There could scarcely be a higher testimony to the
statesmanship of Mr. Cobden, the justness and safety
of his views of commercial questions, and his capacity
for fulfilling an important public trust, than was
given by the British Government, when, a few years
since, on his suggestion that an opportunity had
presented itself for placing the trade between Great
Ilritain and France on a better and more liberal
footing, it entrusted him with full powers for that
purpose.  The expected arrangements were made
through his agency; a treaty was negotiated, and the
result was an enormous increase in the trade of the
two comutries, and a corresponding development of
friendly intercourse between the one people and the
  In the later years of his life, Mr. Cobden took a
deep interest in the controversy which the leading
men of the Southern States of this Republic forced
upon the people of the North, when, renouncing their
allegiance to the Federal Government, and breaking
away from the Union, they invited an appeal to the
sword. He was convinced of the absolute necessity
of the effort we were making to preserve the Union
unimpaired, as indispensable to the future peace and
prosperity of the country. He rejoiced with good
mene all over the world when our government re-
pealed the law of bondage in the Rebel States. He
was one of those enlightened Englishmen who zeal-
ously took our part against the governing class of
their own country, maintained the justice of our


cause, and predicted for it a certain and glorious
triumph. He lived, if not to see his prediction ful-
filled, yet to behold the sure signs of its near accom-
  I now leave the American reader to the perusal of
the writin os included in this collection.  He will
find in them the utterances of a true friend of the
human race, whose sole aim was so to modifyr existing
institutions, by proper and equitable methods, that
all who live under the same government may be equal
partakers in its benefits, and to bring all the bless-
ings of life within the reach of the largest number.
This great end he kept steadily in view, never inti-
midated from pursuing it by the danger of unpopu-
larity, nor seduced to abandon it by the love of dis-
tinction and the praises of the great. His indignation
at the oppression of the weak and helpless was never
disguised, and his whole political life was made up
of manly labours in the cause of justice. From the
writings of this illustrious teacher the wisest states-
man may be instructed in the practical application
of the maxims of a comprehensive, humane, and
generous political philosophy.

                               W. C. BRYANT.

 NEW YoRK, November, 1866.

  It has been thought that Mr. Bryant's Introduction would
be aa interesting to the English as to the American reader, and it
is therefore added to the present edition.

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   " Thje great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign
nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with
them as little political connection as possible."-Waahington'a
farewell address to the American people.

VOL. 1T.


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  As the first of Mr. Cobden's literary productions-
written and published in the spring of 1835, when
he was unknown to fame, and a simple " Manchester
manufacturer"-the following pamphlet is invested
with an interest peculiarly its own. Like the suc-
ceeding work on "Russia," it has for many years
been out of print; and although, during the inter-
vening period, it has been constantly alluded to and
frequently criticised, probably few of those who
wrote and still fewer of those who read the strictures
of. the press upon it, had an opportunity of reading
either of the editions which were published thirty
years ago.  It may be interesting to state that both
pamphlets were in the first instance published by
Mir. Ridgway of Piccadilly, and subsequently repro-
duced in a cheap form by the late AMr. William Tait
of Edinburgh, in whose hands "England, Ireland,
and America" passed through, at least, six editions.
It will be seen that at that early period AMr. Cobden
foresaw the importance to Ireland of Trans-Atlantic
steam packet stations at suitable points on her coast,
as well as of the more general cultivation of flax, the
great staple of Irish manufactures, on soil suitable
for the purpose. He dealt with the questions of the
national debt and of the military and naval estab-
lishments of the United States as he then found
them. No one could at that time foresee that the
institution of negro slavery would entail upon the
                                B 2


American nation so terrible a retribution as that
with which they have since been visited, although
M1r. Cobden was careful to point out that the exist-
ence of this " indelible stain upon their religion and
government" would "serve to teach mankind that
no deed of guilt or oppression can be perpetrated
with impunity, even by the most powerful." This
pamphlet also contains M1r. Cobden's earliest pub-
lished contribution to the literature of free trade. It
may further be remarked that almost immediately
after he had seen these pages through the press, he
paid his first visit to the United States. He landed
in New York on Sunday, June 7th, 1835, and-
reckoning the sea voyages-was absent exactly three
months. The impressions which he had previously
formed of the illimitable resources of the great rIepub-
lic, of the ingenious and industrious character of the
people, of the wide diffusion among them of the
blessings of education, and of the boundless spirit of
enterprise by which they were animated, were fully
confirmed by what he saw with his own eyes; and
on his return to England he found nothing in his
pamphlet that required to be omitted or modified in
the subsequent editions.





              PART I.-ENGLAND.
CONTENTS. -The Balance of Power.-Russia now, inBtead of
   France, the object of British Apprehension.-Notice of Mr.
   Urquhart's Pamphlet, " England, France, Russia, and Turkey"
   -Absurdity of all Apprehensions for our Trade.-Inutility of
   Bonaparte's " Commercial System."-Our Trade with Russia
   and Turkey contrasted.-Miserable State of the Turkish popu-
   lation.-What Turkey might become with a different People.
   -Our Colonial Policy; Canada, the West Indies, the East
   Indies. - Russia not an Anti-Commercial Nation. - "The
   Trifling Succour " asked for Turkey.-The Non-Intervention

Tomaintain what is denominated the true balance
of European power, has been the fruitful source of
wars from the earliest time; and it would be instruc-
tive, if the proposed limits of this work permitted it,
to bring into review all the opposite struggles into
which England has plunged, for the purpose of ad-
justing, from time to time, according to the ever-
varying theories of her rulers, this national equili-
brium. Let it suffice to say, that history exhibits us,
at different periods, in the act of casting our sword
into the scale of every European state. In the mean-
time, events have proclaimed, but in vain, how futile
must be our attempts to usurp the sceptre of the
Fates. Empires have arisen unbidden by us: others
have departed, despite our. utmost efforts to preserve


them. All have undergone a change so complete
that, were the writers who only a century ago lauded
the then existing state of the balance of Europe to
reappear, they would be startled to find, in the pre-
sent relations of the Continent, no vestige of that
perfect adjustment which had been purchased at the
price of so much blood. And yet we have able
writers and statesmen of the present day, who would
advocate a war to prevent a derangement of what we
now choose to pronounce the just equipoise of the
power of Europe.
   For a period of six hundred years, the French and
English people had never ceased to regard each other
as natural enemies. Scarcely a generation passed
over its allotted section of this vast interval of time,
without sacrificing its victims to the spirit of national
hate. It was reserved for our own day to witness
the close of a feud, the bloodiest, the longest, and yet,
in its consequences, the most nugatory of any that
is to be found in the annals of the world. Scarcely
had we time to indulge the first emotions of pity and
amazement at the folly of past ages, when, as if to
justify to the letter the sarcasm of Hume, when
alluding to another subject, we, the English people,
are preparing, through the vehicles of opinion, the
public press, to enter upon a hostile career with
   "Though, in a future age, it will probably become difficult
to persuade some nati(ns that any human two-legged creature
could ever embrace such principles. And it is a thousand to one
but those nations themselves shall have something full as absurd
in their own creed, to which they will give a most implicit con-



  Russia, and no longer France, is the chimera that
now haunts us in our apprehension for the safety of
Europe: whilst Turkey, for the first time, appears to
claim our sympathy and protection against the en-
croachments of her neighbours; and, strange as it
may appear to the politicians of a future age, such is
the prevailing sentiment of hostility towards the
Russian government at this time in the public mind,
that, with but few additional provocatives admnis-
tered to it by a judicious minister through the public
prints, a conflict with that Christian power, in defence
of a ilahomedan people more than a thousand miles
distant from our shores, might be made palatabl,
nay, popular, with the British nation. It would not
be difficult to find a cause for this antipathy: the im-
pulse, as usual with large masses of human beings,
is a generous one, and arises, in great part, from
emotions of pity for the gallant Polish people, and of
indignation at the conduct of their oppressors-senti-
ments in which we cordially and zealously concur:
and, if it were the province of Great Britain to ad-
minister justice to all the people of the earth-in
other words, if God had given us, as a nation, the
authority and the power, together with the wisdom
and the goodness, sufficient to qualify us to deal
forth his vengeance-then should we be called upon
in this case to rescue the weak from the hands of
their spoilkrs. But do we possess these favoured en-
dowiments Are we armed with the powers of Om-
nipotence; or, on the contrary, can we discover
another people rising into strength with a rapidity
that threatens inevitably to overshadow us Again,
do we find ourselves to possess the virtue and the



wisdom essential to the possession of supreme power;
or, on the other hand, have we not at our side, in the
wrongs of a portion of our own people, a proof that
we can justly lay claim to neither
  Ireland and the United States of America ought to
be the subjects of our inquiry at this period, when
we are, apparently, preparing ourselves to engage as
parties to a question involving countries with which
we are but remotely, and in comparison very little,
interested. Before entering upon some reflections
under each of these heads, we shall call the conside-
ration of our readers to the affairs of Russia and
Turkey; and we shall use, as the text of our re-
marks, a pamphlet that has recently made its appear-
ance under the title of " England, France, Russia,
and Turkey," to which our attention was first attracted
by the favourable comments bestowed upon it by the
influential portion of the daily press.
  The writer appears to be versed in the diplomatic
mysteries of the Courts of St. Petersburgh and Con-
stantinople: indeed, lie hints that he has been him-
self a party to the negotiations carried on with the
Sublime Porte. He says, p. 77-" The details into
which we have already entered may probably contain
internal evidence of our opinion not having been
formed in a closet, remote from the subject we are
treating." And the concluding words of the pam-
phlet are calculated to lead to a similar inference;
and they are moreover curious, as illustrating the
tone of feeling with which the author regards the
Russian governnrment:-" Our words have been fewer
  F [Mr. Urquhart, forwerly Secretary of the English Embassy at



than our thoughts; and, while we have to regret
abler hands have not wielded our arms, we owe it
to our subject to state, that others, unproduced, pru-
dence forbade to draw, until the hour of retribution
  After a preliminary appeal to the sympathies of his
readers in favour of Poland, he proceeds to ask, " Is
the substance of Turkey to be added to the growth of
Russia Is the mammoth of the Sarmatian plains
to become the leviathan of the Hesperian seas Is
another victim to be sacrificed within so short a time
on the same altar, and because the same trifling
succour is again withheld Are the remains of
Turkey to be laid upon the tomb of Poland, to ex-
clude every ray of hope, and render its doom irre-
vocable "
  To whiat extent this trifling succour is meant to go,
will be explained in the writer's own words, by and
bye. But we propose, in this place, to inquire, what
are the motives that England can have to desire to
preserve the Ottoman Empire at the risk of a war,
however triaia  In entering on this question, we
shall, of course, premise, that no government has
the right to plunge its people into hostilities, except
in defence of their own national honour or interests.
Unless this principle be made the rule of all, there
can be no guarantee for the peace of any one country,
so long as there may be foLmd a people whose griev-
ances may attract the sympathy, or invite the inter-
ference, of another state. How then do we find our
honour or interests concerned in defending the Turk-
ish territory against the encroachments of its Chris-



tian neighbour It is not alleged that we have an
alliance with the Ottoman Porte, which binds us to
preserve its empire intact; nor does there exist, with
regard to this country, a treat between Russia and
Great Britain (as was the case with respect to Poland)
by which we became jointly guarantees for its sepa-
rate national existence. The writer we are quoting
puts the motive for our interference in a singular
point of view; he says, " This obligation is imposed
upon us, as members of the European community, by
the approaching annihilation of another of our com-
peers. It is imposed upon us by die necessity of
maintaining the consideration due to ourselves-the
first element of political power and influence." From
this it would appear to be the opinion of our author,
that our being one of the nations of Europe imposes
on us, besides the defence of our own territory, the
task of upholding the rights, and perpetuating the
existence, of all the other powers of the Continent-
a sentiment common, we fear, to a very large portion
of the English public. In truth, Great Britain has,
in contempt of the dictates of prudence and self-
interest, an insatiable thirst to become the peace-
maker abroad; or, if that benevolent task fail her,
to assume the office of gensdarme, and keep in order,
gratuitously, all the refractory nations of Europe.
Hence does it arise, that, with an invulnerable island
for our territory, more secure against foreign moles-
tation than is any part of the coast of North America,
we magnanimously disdain to avail ourselves of the
privileges which nature offers to us, but cross the
ocean, in quest of quadripartite treaties or quintuple



alliances, and, probably, to leave our own grood name
in pledge for the debts of the poorer members of
such confederacies. To the same spirit of overwveen-
hig national importance, may in great part be traced
the ruinous wars and yet more ruinous subsidies
of our past history. WAho does not now see, that,
to have shut ourselves in our own ocean fastness, and
to have guarded its shores and its commerce by our
fleets, was the line of policy we ought never to have
departed from-and who is there that is not now
feeling, in the burthen of our taxation, the dismal
errors of our departure from this rule during the last
war How little wisdom we have gathered along
with these bitter fruits of experience, let the subject
of our present inquiry determine !
  Judging from another passage in this pamphlet,
it would appear that England and France are now
to be the sole dictators of the international relations
of all Europe. The following passage is dictated by
that pure spirit of English vanity which has already
proved so expensive an appendage to our character;
and which unless allayed by increased knowledge
among the people, or fairly crushed out of us by our
financial burthens, will, we fear, carry us still deeper
into the vortex of debt :-" The squadrons of Eng-
land and France anchored in the Bosphorus, they
dictate their own terms to Turkey; to Russia they
proclaim, that from that day they intend to arbitrate
supremely between the nations of the earth."
  We know of but one way in which the honour ot
this country may be involved in the defence and
preservation of the Turkish empire; and that is,