xt7wwp9t2q46_120 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/59m61.dao.xml American Liberty League 37 linear feet archival material English University of Kentucky This digital resource may be freely searched and displayed.  Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically.  Physical rights are retained by the owning repository.  Copyright is retained in accordance with U. S. copyright laws.  For information about permissions to reproduce or publish, contact the Special Collections Research Center. Jouett Shouse Collection (American Liberty League Pamphlets), No. 123 "A Federal Union - National And State Responsibilities" Speech of Fitzgerald Hall, President of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway Company before the Annual Meeting of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, April 20, 1936 text No. 123 "A Federal Union - National And State Responsibilities" Speech of Fitzgerald Hall, President of the Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway Company before the Annual Meeting of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, April 20, 1936 2013 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/59m61/59m61_123/Am_Lib_Leag_123_001/Am_Lib_Leag_123_001.pdf section false xt7wwp9t2q46_120 xt7wwp9t2q46 TIIE AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE   * *
*   ‘
The American Liberty League is organized to defend E A    
and uphold the Constitution of the United States and to E
gather and disseminate information that (1) will teach E N 
the necessity of respect for the rights of persons and g
property as fundamental to every successful form of gov- §    
ernment and (2) will teach the duty of government to 5
encourage and protect individual and group initiative g  
and enterprise, to foster the right to work, earn, save, E
and acquire property, and to preserve the ownership and Q
lawful use of property when acquired. § * * *
The League believes in the doctrine expressed by 5
George Washington in his Farewell Address that while §
the people may amend the Constitution to meet condi- E
tions arising in a changing world, there must "be no E Speech of
change by usurpationg for this * * * is the customary E
weapon by which free governments are destroyed.” E FITZGERALD HALL
.Since the League is wholly dependent upon the con- E President of the Nashville, Chattanooga
tr1but1ons of its members for financial support it hopes E & S LO _ il C d M
that you will become a contributing member. However, Q t' tus Ra way 0mpauy’ an _cm-
if you cannot contribute it will welcome your support as § UST of thc NSIIUIISI Advmrr C°u“°II °f
a non·contributing member. E the American Liberty League
- --------~------ ... -...... - E before the
S A ual M etin of the Chamber of Com- ·
Enrollment Blank = ml ° g .
E merce of the Un1ted States,
E ’ D. .
AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE E WaSh1ngt0nI C
NAT1oNA1. Pmsss BU1LmNc   April 20, 1936
WASHINGTON, D. C.   `
Date ............... g
I desire to be enrolled as a member of the E gm
t . E \I *•’yc4
Amemcan Liberty League. ·; Y   *9
Signature .......................................... E 9 ‘·¥.?··s!·*?r°’ °
E ‘°¢ ` v°
· E Ty \j•
{Name ............. . ............................. §
E Street ................... , ........................ E
¤·  
s rmt,. ............................. 2 AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE
,2 5 _ National Headquarters
T county .......................... state ...........   NATIONAL PRESS BUILDING
5 WASHINGTON, D. C.
Enclosed {ind my contribution of $ ..........   q * *
to help support the activities of the League.   ,
(123) E Document N0. 123

 p A Federal Union-—National and
g State Responsibilities
o 1 * .
ip IT WAS Thomas .lefferson’s birthday. At the
seat of government, triumphant democracy had
E gathered “her beauty and her chivalry.” That
' p mighty warrior of the plain people, the then
  Chief Executive of the N ation———a rugged indi-
f vidualist if there ever was one—raised his glass.
  The vast audience sat expectant.
The toast——“Our Federal Union—it must and
r shall be preserved.” And preserved it has been
S through all the years———at that travail you all
2 do know.
i What, then, is this "Federal Union"? Is it
g worth preserving? What are its component
xx 7 I parts—what relation do they bear, each to the
HEN you have finished with this other and all to the whole—what are their col-
Pamphlet please pass it on to Some lecétive aigd inagvidual.re§ponsibilit;es`?b· Thit,
, . a 1es an en emen, 1S e enera su ec o
1“"i°”d or acquammnce who mlght be f which, witg your indulgenci, I shall lsriefly
' int81‘¢Si€¢l. Calling his iiiieniifm lo the { address myself. But, first, a few preliminary
membership blank on page 24.   0bS€I`Vati°¤S·
  WHY THESE INQUIRIES? Have not these
l questions been mooted——indeed, fought over-
1 until, to some at least, they have become as
U 4 "tedious as a twice-told tale .... ” To be sure.
' _? But a voracious office-holding class, affiliated
. 7 with all political parties, ever a devotee of an
[ all-pbwerful centralized state, where the govern-
[ ment is master and the citizens are servants,
  has again arisen to challenge our free institu- _
r tions, and would persuade us, indeed would
coerce us, to depart from our ancient moorings
{ to set sail on an uncharted sea in a new Ship
· t of State, without fixed guide or compass.
This challenge by public servants to popular
h government has been very clearly and definitely
T made—it has powerful oflice-holding support—
3

 it is not without precedent———and not wholly   S I
devoid of 1'6¤S0¤-   THE FORM OF THE FEDERAL UNION
It is, of course, true that the form of any   O _ _
given government is not all-controlling in its   UR li OllEFATllllRS’ out Ol ll Wcilth Ol Pep
effect, good or bad, upon the people. Cicero   sonal experience, concluded to establish a form
was substantially correct when he said: "Such   of government whfch avoldcll The polcllllal BX`
as are thc leading men of the State, Such is thc ip cesses both of a highly centralized state and of
State itsclfy A t a pure democracy. So, the people of these
Strong men and patriotic men throughout the   Ullllcil StatcS’ by the F°‘¥€"‘l Collsllllltlom
ages have diifcrcd as to the best form of govcmb Q established what, IH the terminology of political
ment, and such differences have obtained in Q pllll°S°pllY’ ls called a lllpubllcall l°l`m °f gov`
this country from the beginning to the present 4 c_l`lllllclll° That l0l`m’ lll Soma lCallll·CS’ was
time. Here Alexander Hamilton is looked upon Slmllljlll ta mall}, govcllllmclllsl af lllc Old W°llll’
as the historical leader on the one side, and Blll lll two llllpolllalll pal`llclllal`S’ at l€aSl’ ll
Thomas Jefferson on the other. Strange as it cllllellcll lllalelllally from ally l°l`m Ol. System
may seem., the present so-called Democratic lllelctolollc €StallllSll°°l'
administration now openly espouses, in part at It lllllsl be lcmcmbelcd that when lll°_Pl`°S°?lll
least; the Hamiltonian theory. That Particw Const1tut1on was ordained there were in ex1st-
lar theory is based on the assumption that the ence thirteen separate and distinct governments,
average man is not competent either to govern p each complete and sovere1gn. Because of the
himself intelligently or to properly solve the Weaknesses (ll the Clolllcllellacy lllc PCQPIC *6**17
complex problems of state. Hamilton and his H md _lllc WlS(l°m’ ‘”d“°d the ll(?c€SSlly’ of a
adherents, therefore, favored a form of govern- cclllalll amolllll 0l_cl0SB Coopcllalloll But lll?
ment under which practically Supreme power ex1st1ng soverergnties were not willing to abd1-
would be lodged in the hands of a chosen few. Calc all of lllcll Pclwcls and lllll°ll°llS’ 80* by
Centralization of power at the seat of the Fed- H Olll federal °l`galllC_law’ they Clealell Fha gov`
eral Government was their Object ernment of the United States, which IS not a
_ The Jcgcrsouiau theory, on the other hand,   complete form of- government and was never so
was that the People were more competent to Q intended. Bear 1n m1nd that each const1tuent
run their own affairs than the office-holders, so t lllcmlmll lll the g°v€l`llmclll of llle Ullllcll States
that the form of government best suited·to the   ls a complclclollm lll and °l llS€ll’ and éacll
genius of America was one in which no indi_   could exist without the Federal Government;
Vidual and no group, howsocvcr learned or { whereas the Federal Government is not a com-
patriotic, could deprive either a majority or a   plete form Ol. Slislclll and IS abwllllcly depend'
H minority of the People of the right and Power w ent on the continued separate existence of the
to regulate their own affairs. Distribution of mambar States' _ _
power—local self-government-—was its object. Our lolclalllclis had well lll °PCl`atl°n’ and
had suffered under, a system of centralized
* See Administration’s brief in U.S.A. v. Butler, Case g0V€YUm€Ut» where 0fHC€·h0ld€I‘B b6YOI1d tllfb
;(;;c“;3g·S· S“P*'°m° C°““· 195 T°*m¤ °°mm°“°m$ at sea, unfamiliar with American conditions, un-
` dertook to direct local affairs here. The ab-
surdities and the injustices of such a system
v confirmed the founding fathers in the wisdom H
4 5 Q

 of insisting that the principle of local self- J of the Executive, and, second, to the scrutiny v
government, long in effect in England, be like-   of the Judiciary. s
wise made effective here. To maintain the J Then they established the second wholly
benefits of local self-government, and yet to   novel feature of the American system——and it
have a strong common agency to manage l is its balance wheel—namely, a permanent, non-
problems common to all the several states, was I political Supreme Court, with absolute power
the basis of the American system of dual to apply the peoples’ yardstick, namely, the
sovereignty. I Constitution of the United States, to every act,
Under this system the common agency, the y   both of the Administrative and Legislative
Federal Government, has no inherent ower, ” branches of the Federal Government, and to
is not a complete sovereignty, and may effercise I every act of every branch of the governments
only those powers which the states specifically of the several states.
delegated in the Federal Constitution. All y Speaking of this form, Lord Macaulay, in his
powers, other than those so delegated, were   now famous letter written in 1857, said:
reserved to thc States or to thc ¥)€0p16° including   "Your constitution is 511 sail and no anchor.”
the power, by fixed and definite procedure, to J
a modify or alter the form of government. H He appraised with uncanny accuracy, to be sure,
some of the defects in the American system, but
T he failed to recognize the real function, power,
HE FOUNDING F ATHERS, so much sneered and worth of the Supreme Court of the United
7 at these modern days by foreign-thinking pro- H States, the establishment of which constituted
fessors and brain-trusters, were practical stu- A the greatest single contribution made to the
dents of government and of history. They knew science of government by the modern world.
the imperfections of mankind. Therefore, in And what a record it has made! There, at
establishing the American form of government, least, the Goddess of Justice reigns supreme, that
they declined to repose complete ower in an “ .... Goddess whose symbols are known to all,
official or group of officials. The; knew tha; a throne that tempests cannot shake, a pulse
if they did, sooner or later some individual or j that passion cannot stir, eyes that are blind to
group, selfish, corrupt, or ambitious, would un- J a feeling of favor or ill-will, and the sword that
dertake to subvert the objects and purposes of 5 falls on all offenders with equal certainty and i
the American system, which was to uarantee with impartial strength.”
each individual the fullest play for the; develop- Q Under the American form of dual sovereignty,
ment of his own resources in the en`o ment of whether it be good or bad-·—I think it the best
“life, liberty and the pursuit of happiln;r5s,” mm. { yet devised by man,———the Federal, Government,
sistent with an orderly society. So they estab- eliminating its power to regulate interstate and
lished the famous “checks and balances” of the § foreign commerce, has neither responsibility
American system. ; nor power over the education of the individual,
The Administrative branch was given certain H   his work, his living conditions, his health,
powers, but these were subject to check, first,   morals, social or economic status. These vital
by the Legislative branch and, second, by the   responsibilities, so close to the people, are ex-
Judiciary. They knew that the Legislative 2 clusively matters of local and therefore state
branch could not be entirely trusted, so they 1 concern, to be dealt with according to the vary-
’ subjected that branch, first, to the veto power H ing and peculiar conditions obtaining in each
6 7

 state——and according to the preferences of the and procedure for so doing. Modification in
people directly affected. The colossal failure any other way is a naked usurpation of power
of the Eighteenth Amendment and the statutes and an inexcusable breach of public trust.
thereon based demonstrate, first, the futility of (d) This carefully chosen form of govern-
undertaking to solve local problems by federal ment was deliberately designed to guarantee the
law, and, second, the impossibility of revamp- people, first, the maximum of freedom in their
ing human nature by legislative Hat.   own private affairs, and, second, the greatest
protection against the office-holding classes.
I This form is not the most economical nor the
So it is that under our form of government- i' most efiicient, but it is the most perfect system
that which we term the American System-.we yet devised to protect the people from the am-
have the following: bitions and follies of their temporary public
(a) The several states——each a complete servants. It is the greatest system yet devised
sovereignty save as it has with the consent of to g¤¤1'311t€6 to €V€1`Y Gitizfiil *3116 f¤H€St 0PP01'·
its own citizens specifically authorized the Fed- U1¤itY f01’ S€1f·d€V€10Pm€¤t and dw €¤j0Ym€¤t
eral Government to act for it in matters of of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”
national scope. Except as related by their joint
federal agency, each state bears to each other II
the same relation which any one foreign nation
b6¤1‘S T30 ¤110the1‘· THE REAL CAUSE or OUR TROUBLES
Each such state has complete, plenary, and
exclusive power over its purely domestic con- TF, THEN, our form of government be so ex-
cerns, i.e., education, morals, health, social and cellent-—and it is—what is the reason that now,
economic problems, agriculture, and business. and for some years, the American people have
i (b) The common agency—the federal union been subjected to such disheartening vicissi-
—has no inherent power—only those carefully tudes? The answer is not difficult. First, the
enumerated and limited powers over matters of impairment by the office-holding class and
general concern, such as interstate and foreign their hangers-on of the peoples’ right of suf-
A commerce, money, the postal service, war, and frage; second, the general lack of capacity,
foreign relations. lt—the Government of the ii courage, and patriotism of the average office-
United States——has neither responsibility nor holder, other than the judiciary, of whatsoever
power to do anything whatever to regulate or _ political faith, and, third, the deliberate refusal
control the health, education, morals, and gen- ° of public servants to obey the clear mandate of
eral social and economic condition of the citi- the people set forth in the Constitution. Let
zens of the several states. It is not the master me elaborate this answer:
of the States, but only their common servant (F irst)——-I am talking to business men. We,
and agent. j as a group, have, for several years, been in-
(c) The people have carefully avoided de. dicted by the politicians and the demagogues
priving themselves of the power to alter, abol- before lih€ bar of public judgment 88 being r
ish, modify, or amend the organic law of any everything we should not be. That there are n
constituent member of this dual sovereignty or among Us rascals. i¤<¤<>mpete¤tS. and u¤d€Si1`3b]€
their common agent, the Federal Union, and citizens, none know better than ourselves. But, g
have specifically provided the exact machinery h¤PPi1Y» the P1`0P0i‘ti0¤ of Such ¤11d€Si1‘3bl€S is
8 9

 indeed small. But let us reverse the customary g_;°§V‘:}l(;h;“;:°1g§S "im°Si is iimchl as ,;:6 V°i°”•
. . . come pro essiona. e were
Pr?c?dur€ bi? brifiging to th? bar of pubhc amateur. Many of them played for sheer love of
0P1I110I1 f01’ 1I1'£€ll1g€11t 8I13lYS15 thi? I`€C0]·"i of the gamble. There were rules to regulate the play.
politicians in _gene1‘al-—-Dem0c1‘&t, Republican, But as time passed and voters multiplied, the pop-
Socialist, Communist, and what not. Here are uiar P¤’=QQ<>¤P¤ti0¤ increased the temptations and
th e I e el feete a olppertfmities for gain, inviting the enterprising, the
Registration records are falsified, ballot boxes `  e Z eiiximdji corrupt to r°c°,nSmui° _p°m°f°u_Sm
o 1ty and to organize public opinion
are stuffed, votes not p1‘0p€1'1Y 00l;iHli€d» Pub" ic into a bill of lading. Thus politics as a trade,
lie funds misappropriated, the S8V11'1gS of the J; parties as trademarks, the politicians, like harlets,
people squandered for political purposes, elec- “ Piyins their V0e¤tien.”” H
tions deliberately stolen. Let me read you what
a great man, active in the councils of the Demo- THE RIGHT OF SUFFR AGE is th e Sine ua i
cratic party for e half ¢¢¤t¤1`Y··d€¤1` Gid HCMZY non of popular government——yet to what exflent
W/i3lClZ€l`S0l'1·—h3fl to $3Y, ani, I quote from his do lZl16 AI1'1€1`lC&I1 people really enjoy that right?
book ent1tled ° Marse Henry = Generally speaking, they are permitted merely
"For the time being the politicians of both parties to vote for politically hand-picked candidates
are in something of a funk. It is the nature of in whose Choosing they have little el, ne
parties thus situated to fancy that there is no here- Voice
after, riding in their dire confusion headlong for a· T k . , .
fall. Little other than the labels being left, nobody a C our two great national ParticS_‘D€m0'
can tell what will happen to eithee crats and Republicans. They are really two
Progressivism seems the cant of the indifferent. cicse C0i`POi`aiiOnS· The €DtiI°€ Party machinery, i
Accentuated by the indecisive vote in the elections generally speaking, is in mmm] of thc federal
and heralded by an ambitioue President who writes 0fHee_h01ding aristocracy ei d e d menfully to be
Humanity b1gger than he wr1tes the United States, Sur e b r f . 1 1, , , _
and is accused of aspiring to world leadership, ° Y P 0 cSS10na_ P0 luclans In the Severe]
democracy of Jefferson, Jackson and Tilden ancient States' To all practical PUFPOSBS our I'18lZl01'1i·1l
hiSt0ry_.haS become e back number. Yet our Om, · conventions are aggregations of men and women
cials still swear to a Constitution. We have not passing judgment on their own conduct and
eliminated state lines. State rights are not wholly Seekingefurther means te Per etuete them 1
d°ad‘”i _` on the public payrolls. P S6 veg
One of the greatest hindrances to making the
“I;( is tl: ht;bit——nay, tie-; business—of the party American form of government effective as de-
s ea er w en e mounts e ra in stum to rear • · · . ,
his platitudes into the ears of thesis who phave the · Slgncd 18 th°ip"°i1°“HY complete domlnatlou of
simplicity to listen, though neither edified nor en- Party machluerit by 0mcC`h01d€rS; and neither
lightened; to aver that the horse he rides is sixteen party can ever .ll·iSiiiY the €Ul3i1`€ COHHdCl1CC of
feet high; that the candidate he supports is a giant; the American P€°Pi€ until €¤C}1» by specific
and that he himself is no small figure of a·man. self-regulation, honorably kept, provides that
Thug helresembles the auctioneer. Bet It IS the no public official, federal or state, can bg a
mock auctioneer whom he resembles; h1s stock in deleeet e te any loca] or n t, 1 _
trade being largely, if not altogether, fraudulent. P , a Iona convention
The success which at the outset of party welfare _ any Iimchlnery must be Wrested from thc self-
attended this legalized confidence game drew into ` ish Poiiiicians and 1`€St01'ed to the people where
it more and more players. For a long time they it belongs. ~
"‘Marse Henry”—-—an autobiography by Henry Watter- 2 Ibid. (pp. 222223)  
son (PP. 187-188). °
i

 By continued impairment of civil service, of do you know who have entered public service
which all parties are, about equally guilty, the for the privilege of serving the Nation as dis-
public service has been rendered not only more tinguished from the power and emoluments of
expensive and inefficient, but positively corrupt. office? How many of you business men would
A Men and women are appointed——and you all be willing to turn over the management of either
know it--to public office, not with an eye single your private or business interests to the men
to the public welfare, but almost invariably to ` you know in public office'?
strengthen the political hand of him who ob- if V Municipal government, particularly in the
tained the appointment. gl larger cities, has, generally, been not only
We have many excellent men-local as well —‘ extravagant, but in open alliance with some of
as national——in public service, but as a whole the worst enemies of society.
the office-holding class is inefficient, selfish, am- Relatively few states of which I have any
bitious, and cowardly. The truth is that the knowledge have been run in any degree com-
real menace to free America is its office-holding parable to that of an ordinary business. In-
oligarchy. competence, graft, and selfishness have been the
And as one means of preventing the plain rule rather than the exception.
people from protesting against political spolia-
tion, the most inexcusable tyranny is being exer-
cised by investigating committees and federal How MANY MEN do you yourselves know in
bureaus who do not seek all the truth, but rather the present federal congress and in the two
to destroy those who dare oppose them. Public preceding ones who personally approved the »
investigation can be of real service, but as now measures which they either sponsored or voted
performed, to a large degree, it is merely official for`? Don’t you know it to be a fact that many
, terrorism designed to increase the power of the Congressmen and Senators in the last few years
r politicians at the expense of the people. have privately admitted that they doubted the
You know and I know the many serious wisdom of many bills they supported by their
defects among business men. But with all these influence and votes? Indeed, so infrequently
y defects, when we are fairly compared with the do our public servants demonstrate either inde-
professional politicians of the Nation, we, indi- pendence or courage that one of our too few V
vidually and as a class, completely outstrip them   really great Senators was recently publicly ac-
in intelligence, ability, character, and patriotism. I claimed largely because he was not afraid to
(Second) ——We have had in the past, and have   speak his own mind and vote his own convic-
today in the legislative and administrative it tions.
branches of government, federal and state, some I have the greatest respect for any man who is
of the ablest and most patriotic characters in willing to vote his own honest convictions, how-
the Nation. But when we consider the number soever much they may differ from my own. But
of such men of ability, courage, and character for the man who disapproves a measure and yet y
in proportion to all public office-holders, the votes for it for political purposes, who thus
result is both startling and discouraging. prefers his own supposed political preferment
Each of you visualize your own local situa- to the Welfare of the people, I have nothing but
tions with which you are intimately familiar. Supreme contempt.
How many competent and successful men do you It is not ally Weakness in the American form
know who have entered public life? How many 01' SYSNZIH, but 3 Woeflll lack of proper official
l2 13

 personnel—independent, experienced, rcoura- establishment el a dee pound in the City of
geous and honest~—which is threatening to Memphis, Tennessee I de not denht that
Wreek php greatest system pf gevelllmelll yet Memphis needs a dog pound. But surely that at
eleVlsed‘ least is a local function for the people of
(Thlrd)`—We heal eellslallt pplh phpppp php Memphis. And after the federal politicians had
ppppppppd hppphdpwh pf php phi ppdpp and php fulfilled the purely local responsibility of taking
defects of the American system. Who are those eare ef stray does in Memphis, the great Senate
Whp ppp pppph phhpsp? hpppplv php pphpiphp¤p· of the United stm needs mm comms as
Whpp are llle feels? Tllere ls llellllllg php supposed valuable time to discuss the merits of
matter with the old order and nothing the ’ this purely leeal and trilline matters
matter with the American system, either of gov- td) The federal government, hy congressional
ernment or economics. It is the abuse thereof nsnrnatien and administrative nat, has under_
Wlllell has lllleuglll us le em. present ulllellullsle taken to regulate the most intimate details in
pppppppipp-php deliberate lellulle el php eell` the lives and businesses of every citizen; how
stituted authorities to properly perform their many potatoes they may plant, how many pigs
public trust or to conform their public activities a sew ean have, how much corn and tohacco a
within the clearly defined limits set out by the farmer may legally raise, how many hours an
people themselves in the organic law of the employe in a little Pencil iactorv in middle
Nellell Let me hp ll llllle mere speelee: Tennessee may work, and what he must be paid,
(sl Thp C°llgl`ess’ hp dpppph beeeuse pf its and so on ud infinitum et ad nauseam. Politi- i
ewll llle°mpelellee’ llss llelegelellp lmlswlullyp cians are undertaking to arrogate unto them-
many of its most important constitution_al func- selves in Washington all the powers oi a
ppphp te pphppp ll llss’ lllsleeel pf applepllsllllg totalitarian state, wherein they are the complete
specific sums for specific constitutional purposes, masters and thc citizens and the taxpayers are
appropriated billions to be used practically at ne longer tree, but must toil or Play at the
the whim and caprice of administrative oiiicials. dictate of their cverlords in Washineton_
(b) The Congress, instead of itself legislating, te) The politicians, hy their own admission
lles’ ih several Vltplly lmpelllalll matters, (lele' incompetent to regulate business effectively,
gated its legislative powers practically without now assert that, therefore, they and they alone
limitation to administrative officers and agencies. p can operate husiness successfully, so more and
(el Thp Cellglless has plphp lls hppp le destroy more federal office-holders, in open defiance of
php Ahglpapxph plllllelple el leesl sell'g°Vel`ll' A the Constitution, are forcing this great govern-
mphp- lt was net Ulysses S' Gram Whp elleelell ` ment to invade every form of private endeavor
php lleelelleslluellell pf llelsless lllghlspll hpp which, under the American system, is the exclu-
retllell php mall Whp hppphppd lllllellellal Alllpll sive function and right of the individual.
by virtue of which the politicians of the federal r (i) The olicice_holding class are levying taxes
government, working with politicians of local _and horrowing hillions to bc paid hy further
govalllmalllav llava llllllallakall hhp rpsulppiph taxes—not to carry on the normal routine of
and ellellellell el php purely leeal allalls pf php governmental functions, but to make effective
several states Let me glve Yell sl typical ex' their own peculiar views of economic and social
amplai Thp Amallcall P€°Pl€ ala l0‘laY balllg questions without having been empowered so to V
taxed to obtain sums of money for the bureau- do by the sovereign people.
crats in Washington to finance the building and (g) Social security and all oi its incidcutals

 are and should be matters of 6XCll1siV€ State priating specific sums to every specific purpose sus-
control. The political answer, “Do you want the ceptibie of definition .... " ‘
people to starve?” begs the question. Each “A _ It _; d
. . r1cu ur ‘.
State, with the able ass1stance of such great and . g €’ manu acturcS’ °°mm°r°?’ an mm
_ _ R d gation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are then
voluntary welfare 8g€UC1€S as the American .6 most thriving when left most free to individual
Cross and the Salvation Army, if public officmls enterprise,”‘
do their duty, can and will take care of its own ' —;—
· GG • ,
unfortunates, but the local politicians, either ‘t‘ é_t°h P"°S°";'°_thi1 gmk °f1 the Daum bY ¤¤
.. . . exac
incapable or afraid to do their own duty, have lic argc 0 its 6 ts an °°mm°tS’ cxpmd
H h f d 1 1_ _ _ d _ { the public money with the same care and economy
ca ed 011 t 6 € €1`8 P0 IUCHHS to 0 It or y we would practice with our own, and impose on our
them, S0 between the two the substance of the citizens no unnecessary burthens; to keep in all
People is   in lax-gc dogroo Wasted. "F0r ( things   thC pale of Our constitutional POWCYS,
his bounty there was no Winter in ,t’ an, autumn anfdtcheusl; athe federal umon as the only rock of
. sa ....
’twas that grew the more by reap1ng.” e y
HI (b) Next, let us turn for a moment to the
~ typical Democrat of America—Andrew Jackson
PRINCIPLES ENUNCIATED BY THE GREAT STATES- ...and hear Some of the things   he Said:
MEN OF THE PAST “In the domestic policy of this Government there
B . l o t are two objects which especially deserve the atten-
UT YOU are all familiar with the efforts of tion of the people and their representatives, and
the Politicians to usurp tho powers and destroy WIIICII IIHVG DCBII HIICI   COIIIIHIIC to I}6 IIIC subjects
the liberties of the people of these United States.   my ;“;l:°aS’PghS°1*°;t“g€· Th°Y ***6 the P¤`¢S€FV¤·
, , ion o
Let us now test some of the things being done integrity 0fcthr;gU:°i0; t 6 S°V°ral Smms and the
by the Public Utt€I`aU0€S of Some of the great These great objects are necessarily connected, and
statesmen of the past. can only be attained by an enlightened exercise of
(a) First, lot mo quote from Thomas JCHGIQ, the powers of each within its appropriate sphere in
Bon: conformity with the public will constitutionally ex-
pressed. ,. . .
“Equal and exact Justice to all men, of whatever ~ “My experience in public concerns and the observa-
state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, , tion of a life somewhat advanced confirm the
commerce, and honest. friendship with all nations, opinions long since imbibed by me, that the destruc-
entanglmg alliances with none; the support of the tion of our State governments or the annihilation
State governments in all their rights, as the most of their control over the local concerns of the people
competent admilniitrations for our domestic concerns ? would lead directly to revolution and anarchy, and
an the surest u warks against ant1-republican ten- finally to despotism and military domination. In
denctesg .the preservation of the ·General Govern- Pr0p0rti01l, therefore, as the General Government
ment 1n 1t; whole const1tut1onal vigor, as the sheet encroaches upon the rights of the States, in the same
anchor o ”our peace at home and safety Proportion does it impair its own power and detract
abroad; . . . from its ability to fulfill the purposes of its
—···—— creation.” "
"In our care, too, of the public contributions in- ,,,1, . , ,
trusted to our direction it would be prudent to he lcadmg prmclplc then asserlcd Was that
multiply barriers against their dissipation by appro- 4. Ibid (P 329) 51bld ( 330)
_ . . . . z . p. .
—·—·—· . ‘ “A Compilation of Messages and Papers of the Presi-
SA Compilation of Messages and Papers of the Presi- A d€mS»_ by James D. Richardson, Vol, I (p_ 345)_
dents, by James D. Richardson, Vol. I (p. 323). ’Ibrd.. V0]. III (pp. 3-4).
16 17

 Congress possesses no constitutional power to doubtful ground. We have undertaken to discover
appropriate any part of the moneys of the United and proclaim the richest blessings of a free govern- .
` States for objects of a local character w