xt7wwp9t2q46_84 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/mets.xml https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/59m61.dao.xml American Liberty League 37 linear feet archival material English University of Kentucky This digital resource may be freely searched and displayed.  Permission must be received for subsequent distribution in print or electronically.  Physical rights are retained by the owning repository.  Copyright is retained in accordance with U. S. copyright laws.  For information about permissions to reproduce or publish, contact the Special Collections Research Center. Jouett Shouse Collection (American Liberty League Pamphlets), No. 87 "What of 1936?" Address by James P. Warburg before the Chicago Association of Commerce, January 15, 1936 text No. 87 "What of 1936?" Address by James P. Warburg before the Chicago Association of Commerce, January 15, 1936 2013 https://exploreuk.uky.edu/dips/xt7wwp9t2q46/data/59m61/59m61_87/Am_Lib_Leag_87_001/Am_Lib_Leag_87_001.pdf section false xt7wwp9t2q46_84 xt7wwp9t2q46 Pamphlets Available
* * *
Copies of the following pamphlets and
other League literature may be obtained
upon application to the League°s national
headquarters: `      
Statement of Principles and Purposes '
American Liberty League-Its Platform
The Bonus
Inflation
The Thirty Hour Week Bill
The Holding Company Bill
. Price Control * * *
The Labor Relations Bill - _
The Farmers’ Home Bill
The TVA Amendments
The Revised AAA Amendments t
The President’s Tax Program
Expanding Bureaucracy
Lawmaking by Executive Order Address by
New Dtgil Laws in Federal Courts
Potato ontro
Consumers and the AAA JAMES P' WARBURG
Dangerous Experimentation »
Economic Planning-Mistaken But Not New before
Work Relief
The AAA and Our Form of Government _ _ _
Alternatives to the American Form of Govern- Chicago ASSUCHWIOH of Commerce
ment · · ·
A pmgram for ¤...g.... Ch1<¤=·g<>» m¤¤¤¤¤
The N3'! Bullglith R l A S
The ationa a or e ations ct- ummary anu 1 1
of Conclusions from report of the National J ary 5, 936
Lawyers Committee
Straws Which Tell
` The American Bar—The Trustee of American
Institutions-Speech by Albert C. Ritchie
Legislation-By Coercion or Constitution- ‘ A
Speech by Iouett Shouse
The Test of Citizenship-Speech by Dean Carl
W. Ackerman
"Breathing Spells”-Speech by Iouett Shouse Y;}- C4
The Duty of the Lawyer in the Present Crisis- Y   ’l»
Speech by James M. Beck —  
The Constitution and the Supreme Court- EZ   M
Speech by Borden Burr  ’;¥*»!§*`”‘?*” 
The Economic Necessity in the Southern States V 4*;-},. gv
for a Return to the Constitution-Speech by l'
Forney Johnston x _
- The National Lawyers Committee of the Amer- P
ican Liberty League-Speech by Ethan A. H. U
Shepley
Our Growing National Debt and Inflation- .
Speech by Dr. E. W. Kemmerer
Iniiation is Bad Business-Speech by Dr. Neil
Carothers
The Real Significance of the Constitutional AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE
Issue-Speech by R. E. Desvernine N . I H ad -
Arousing Class Prejudices-Speech by Iouett » ationa 8 quarters
TSho{?1,siaI d D { h NATIONAL PRESS BUILDING
he a acies an angers o t e Townsend `
Plan-Speech by Dr. W. E. Spahr WASHINGTON’ D' C'
y * A
~ AMERICAN LIBERTY LEAGUE *A' *
NATIONAL PRESS BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Document No. 87

 3
What of   n Where the democratic principle was broad-
i ened to apply to states of greater area and pop-
* Q ulation, it became necessary to evolve a repre-
  sentative form of democracy, in which the
ORDINARILY, in order to do justice to a I citizens mi h d l h ' '
n g t e egate t e1r authority to a
subject which lies more than ninety per cent in small group chosen by themselves from among
the future, one would have to be a clairvoyant, t their own number.
or an astrologer, or at the very least a New Deal   Since most people who have adopted a demo-
statistician; I can lay claim to none of these or A cratio {erm ef gevernment have done S0 after
8HY other POWBYS of mysticism 0I' P1'0g¤0SUCa‘ bitter experience with tyranny, it is only natural
tion. But, under today’s c1rcumstances, It re- that they should have been vigilantly anxious
qu1res no prophetic g1ft to see that the year   to protect their newly-won right of self-govern-
upon which we have just embarked will be one ’ ment against any possible encroachment by
of great and lasting significance. n those to ‘whom they delegated their authority.
Nineteen Hundred Thirty-Six will be more j »
th th d' P 'd t'l . It °11b   . .
an 6 Or mary _ mal Cem year _ wl 6 IN ORDER to accomphsh this purpose, and
a year of far-reach1ng decision for this country. . d _
_ 1n or er to make sure that their government
And, more than that, I am convinced that the h . _
_ _ _ _ _ s ould rema1n a government of laws—as op-
dec1s1on which the American people w1ll make n , _
_ _ posed to a government of arb1trary w1ll———people
at the polls next autumn will have an important h . ,
_ _ ave adopted various means of preventing too
bearing not only upon our own h1story, but . ,
_ _ great an accumulation of power 1n the hands
upon the h1story of many other countries. Of a f€w_
In fact, it may well be that our election in 1 Th ` h H
November will mark the turning of the tide that 1 ' Cv eve vSua_ Y ezelved e fundamental
has been running throughout the world away aY’d0r c0lTSt1tuu°n’ m   Ich the P¤W¢r¤ dele'
fmm democracy towards dictatorship. ga e to t e representat1ves.of· the people have
been carefully defined and l1m1ted;
_ 2. The have `d d f l` `t d
W E ARE the world’s outstand1ng example of Cincy Y provi C or a Hm C term ef
a constitutional democracy. Upon our success 3 &_h h d_ _d d h
or failure may well depend the future of the t' d hey ave lvl e bt e Pewere te be dele'
democratic principle of government throughout gee Ctwecnbvameus hranelaee af gevemment
western civilization. And our success or failure ? _];1 PE1: eaic letween t e leglelauvet exeeuuvev
as a constitutional democracy may easily hinge Em Ju mm ’ L at IS to Sev’ they have delegated
upon the outcome of the elections which we tg one group tde Rover tehmake 1awe¤ te aeether
Shan hold this autumn. _ f e jiower no a m1n1s;er t lem, and to a third the
Let us pause for a moment to consider what une mn °_ eceme t at t e laws enacted and
this means. theug laiimimstration conform to the funda-
The pure democracy is a state in which the ‘ men a aw’ or Comutuuen;
citizens govern themselves by voting on all ma- 4* They have m manY cases. as m thé ¢8S6 Of
jor questions, thus determining the policies of der Senate and House of R€PI'€S€¤t¤tiV6S, di-
the state. Obviously the rule of the democratic vided the lawmakmg P°W€1‘ b€tW66H two
majority in this direct form is possible only in bddlee And dean}?
a small com act communit such as existed in 5- As SUHGS grew lar er and lar er the have .
v P Y · O g g a Y
Athens ovor two thousand ygarg ago, or such SI1bd1V1d€d IIICIT territory IIIIO IOCHI. HHIIZS of
as exists in Andorra today. j S61f·g0V€1‘I1m€11t, and again divided the powgrg
2 v 3 i

 delegated between the local groups of repre- A Preeems Us fr<>¤g¤ being vsssal S¤bj€0tS of 811
sentatives and the central group. arbltrery auth°mtY·
The disadvantages of Such a complicated Sys. And even fewer realize that this right, to be
tcm are Obvious: ~ p effective, must be vigilantly and intelligently
1. lt is cumbersome and slow-moving; ~ eXere1eee°
j The Supreme Court alone cannot preserve
2. Because of the tendency to separate power
from responsibility and because of the division E our freedom for us` _ _
° . . . . ' Nor can the Const1tut1on.
of power and respons1b1l1ty, there often arises 4 The Supreme Court and the Constitution
e eeefuelee ef purpeeei e lack of cenelstencm exist by our will, and will continue to exist as
and e teneeeey te exeeeelve eempmeusel bulwarks of our freedom only so long as we
3- Through the desire ef these m Pewer te 4 continue to fight for their preservation.
remain in power, and through the apathy   j
indolence of the electorate. in general, there   S DME day, when history Comes to be written,
exlete the eeeeer ef e0Hupu0u° the danger of   l believe it will be recognized that there was a
pehtleel meehmerle ueurpme the place of the   single major factor underlying all the political,
freely expressed Velee ef the peeP1e’ endellu-   social, and economic convulsions which began
mately the eeeger ef the geverumenf ellher f in the early years of this century, and which
ceasing to be self-government or falling 1nto j have now, I hope, Passed their crisis. This
eemempt beeeeee ef Its weeknese factor——as I see it~—was the struggle of the dem-
ocratic principle to keep abreast of rapidly
THESE are the obvious shortcomings and changing conditions—the struggle to maintain
dangers of democracy. law and order while the western world was
Off-hand they seem like a pretty formidable changing almost overnight from a rural, largely
indictment. agricultural world into a much more densely
And so they are--but, populated, highly mechanized and industrial-
The advantage of such a system of divided ized civilization.
authority, of mutual checks and balances, is In terms of economics the world was moving
that it makes it difficult--if not impossible——for rapidly towards internationalism. The develop-
those in power to usurp the sovereign right of ments of science and industry, the elimination
the people to govern themselves. of time and distance, the increasing interde-
We have recently had a clear example of this pendence of nations upon each other—all these
in the Supreme Court decisions invalidating the f factors tended toward a world state.
N.R.A. and the A.A.A. In terms of political government these factors
With all its faults we know of no other system g were hostile factors. They tended to deny the
beside the democratic system which can guar- importance of individual sovereignties, to break
antee self-government and freedom to a people, down national barriers, to eliminate differences .
so long as that people wishes to enjoy them. 4 of languages, of currencies, weights and meas-
But no system——not even democracy—can ures—in short, they threatened nationalism, and
guarantee self-government to a people too indo- with it they threatened the jobs of those in
lent, too ignorant, or too indifferent to cherish, power in all the various nations.
and, if necessary, to fight for its own freedom. It was only human that those in power should
All too few of us realize that nothing but our seek by every means at their command to
right to vote keeps us free citizens who govern strengthen national barriers, to fight the march
themselves-that nothing but 0\11‘ right to vote of economic progress by pursuing the idea] Of
4 5

 national self-sufiicienc and so eventuall to
k _ , , y’ Y But the backlash of war brought economic
see their own nation s advantage at the expense d.
Of Others by the use of armed force 1sturbances. People began to lose conhdence
_ _' in their ab'l`t t
Thus Europe became embroiled in a war, and . 1 1 Y SO 0. govern tllcmsclvcs as to
thus We Came to join in this War in Order as we give reasonable security to their country as a
were told “tO make the world Safe for écmoc whole, or to individuals within their country.
racyw AS it turns out it was this Vary War Cries went up for "a strong leader.” And, as
_° _ _ _ alwa sha en th " '
which came perilously close to bringing about the   pg S° cm were mc? Waltmg tf) Same
the end of the democratic principle. s cms 0 g0Vcrn1lulnt__gctt1l1g authonty for
themselves by prom1s1ng security to all.
Stalin——Hitler—Starhember —Horth —Mu -
IF THERE is one thing that emerges clearly S0lini_Pi1SudSki, g Y S
fic? gh; gt;;?;Ycgigiiteggidhtwiiltli18   IS ` Russia, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy,
a C °° ‘ Da mn Poland——all dictatorshi sl
fighting for its life places itself under too great First one man thcnpauothcr and another
• • • • 9 —t 9
i1h??d1°aE’11f$t attcmgts durms til War to g°VCrn came into supreme control of the people’s af-
its; don t e enipcrahic princip e. 1 fairs, with a result that throughout the world
n S°’ Im ma cr °w grca Y a P°°P C may we now see a tendenc to concentrate arbitra
cherish its freedom and its right of self-govern- power in thc gOVcI_m;cnt___and to conccntralg
ment, it will submit itself cheerfully to rigorous government in one man
and arbitrary authority in order to protect its Why?
national safety against aggression. .
This however is only true so long as a PCO Because of many interwoven causes, most of
’ _ ’ _ _ _ - them havin th ' ° ' ' th
ple believes 1n the rightness of 1ts national . .g cu. Omgm m C World War'
cause But pr1mar1ly because of one cause:
W6°Submitt€d cheerfully to rigmlcus and arbi The intensification of the desire for national
. . . . - lf- iii ` .
trary authority 1n 1917-1918. We d1d this be- i SC Su Clancy _ _
‘CauSC we recognized that our normal demo- Most wars arise over an economic bone, such
O U k.
crat1c form of government was by 1ts very nature as a ma; Gt for Surrilus pr°du°liS’1 °r a °°V°t°d
. s
too slow and cumbersome to cope with the Ogrccfo anfcsscmlad raw matcnaf _
s swiftly arising exigencies of modern warfare. f or ca? Q) war   t C ?°nS6qu°m cuttmg OH
Butywhcn the War was Over, we rcSumcd_m_ o lfessentia dsupp 168 nations seek to become
intended to resume-—our normal method of self- SC `comamé '
government Self-containment means the elimination of
The same thing was true in France and Eng- Import?
land. it The imports of one nation are the exports of
In other countries, notably in Russia, Ger- other nat1°nS‘
many, and AuSu,ia_Hungm.y’ the wm, produced Thus, for fear of war, the nations of the world
T a dissatisfaction with the previous forms of gov- . are dmng the VEYY thms that PI'0V0k€$ Wai`-
ernment so intense that revolutions took place
and constitutional democracies, most of them BUT, beyond that, Sclféumcicncy can only be
1`8th€i` S1¤11]¤1’ to 0u1'$» Wei`6 $€t UP- attained, or approximated, under a government
I · U of arbitrary authority. It involves a strict Gov-
T LOOKED t0? 3 thm? as It the wat had acm' ernment control over imports and exports. This V
3hY Served to Protect ahd Gvch P1`0Pt‘g¤t6 the in turn involves a control over production and
democmtlc PI`1h°tPt€· consumption, which cannot but lead to precisely

 the sort of complete regimentation that we see mental right to govern ourselves which is the
today in Italy or Germany. essence of America.
I do not believe that any people will long re- We, just like the weary and distressed peo-
main contented under the rule of a Hitler or a ples of Europe, threw up our hands and clam-
Mussolini. And, when the people over whom a ored for a leader.
dictator rules become discontented, history We, just like the weary and distressed peo-
shows that the dictator almost invariably goes ples of Europe, began to think of Government
to war. _ as something separate from ourselves—as hav-
We have only to read the paper to see that in if ing power to do what we ourselves were unable
this respect history is repeating itself today. · to do.
And so we see the full extent of the tragedy.   And we, just like the people in other coun- R
Democracy jettisoned in a feverish quest of if tries, began to think of the Government’s
national security. Security sought by means of V pocketbook as something quite separate from
national self-containment. And national self- ' our own pocketbook.
containment provoking the economic conflict
and th€ social unrest   ].CH.d to War. I F Franklin D. Roosevelt were   great ho
Of all the major belligerent countries only would net have eneenreged and taken ativan.
Frarwé, Great Britain. ami '¢i1€ Uriiiéii Staws tage of these manifestations of weakness and
succeeded in maintaining their constitutional diSn·eSS_
(ICHIOCIHCIBS. And, since March of   the He would have told the people that the Gov,
case of the United States has become extremely ernment had no pewer ether than the PeeP]e’S
d0l1btfl1l. gw;] power,
He would have told them that the Govern-
I HAVE been outspoken in my criticism of the ment had no money other than the people’s own
present Administration; and it is certainly not money——as he certainly realized when a candi-
my purpose here to retract one word of what I date for office.
have said. Instead of pointing out again and again these
But- two fundamental truths, as, I repeat, a truly
If this Administration has brought us to the great man would have done, Franklin D. Roose-
brink of relinquishing our right of self-govern- velt chose to cater to the demand for miracles
ment and becoming vassal subjects of an arbi- born of misery, and to lead this nation upon the
trary Federal authority— _ heels of Russia, Germany, Austria, and Italy,
If this Administration has interfered with the away from the democratic principle and towards
economic life of our country to an unwarranted dictatorship.
degree-   It seems clear that—in spite of his extraor-
If this Administration has played havoc with _ dinary agility—Mr. Roosevelt cannot now pose
j our currency, dishonored our national promises,   and be re-elected as the champion of the demo-
and spent the people’s money heedlessly and cratic principle. Astute politician that he is,
wastefully in pursuit of a strange mixture of he must know that, were he to change his course
Utopian dreams and cynically practical partisan again, he would lose the support of those upon
purposes— whose ignorance and gullibility he has been
If all these things are true, they are true preying with unfulfillable promises, without 4
partly because Mr. Roosevelt repudiated his gaining the support of those who have learned `
pre-election promises, but even more because how to evaluate his promises and his avowed
we have failed to exercise diligently that funda- convictions in the light of past performance. o
8 9

 In the election next November it is clear that 1°w°St POSSHJIC Priccsj This mean? a govern- —
Mr. Roosevelt must stand for a continuance of mem which by Fnactmg and Cnforcmg appro"
the wm,1d_Widc trend away from democracy _ priate laws w1th1n the framework of our Con-
towards dictamI,Ship_ stitution, will seek to prevent monopoly as well
If he is re-elected it seems inevitable that the as unfair (mmpctitiofl throughout the Vamous
” trend will continue fuI,thc1,_juSt how fm, no phases of our economic l1fe. · It means a govern-
mm can tcl]; ment which will not enter 1nto business 1tself,
If he is d€f€atCd___n0t merely by his Own im nor attempt to substitute its ·own discretionary
eptitude (as is quite likely) but by an aroused ‘ authorlty for natural ccolmmlc laws' t
and militant opposition that is willing to fight And finaHY’   Sh°?u1d hkc us ui have a fcdfzml
honestly and in the Open for a return to dcm0_ government wh1ch 1nterferes as l1ttle as possible
cratic principles——then it is quite possible that L with matters that am P*°P°*`1Y the °°nccru_ Of
the tide will turn throughout the entire world. State and local g°VcrnmBntS’ for masons Whlqh
For, if we succeed in re-establishing the demo- 110 (mc has Stateid more Cogenidy than Franlilm
cratic principle, and if other nations see us pros- D- ROOSCVBR himwlf at 21 tlmc when, being
perous and happy because we have succeeded, mcrély the Govern? of New Yqrk aild not The
the days of Stalin, Hitler and of Mussolini may President of the ·Un1ted States, h1s po1nt of VICW
WGH be numbered. was strikingly different.
That is why I have said that the decision we
shall reach this year may well affect the history DOES this mean anything mot-C than going
Of Western civilization- back to what we had before the New Deal
began? l
i THERE are other issues involved in our elec- Most emphatically it does.
tion, such as that of Federal spending, of tax- If the Republican party of 1936 has nothing -
ation, and the rising cost of living. There are more to offer than a return to where we left off
questions of re-employment and of finding an in 1932, then the American people will indeed
honest solution to the farm problem. There is . be confronted with an abominable choice. A,
the whole vast subject of currency and banking Let us see whether, in the few remaining
reform, which the present Administration seems moments before my time is up, we can sketch
to think it has disposed of, but which, in reality in bare outline what we should like the Repub-
it has not even recognized in its true aspects. lican party to offer as an alternative.
All these and many others are vital issues, Obviously I cannot attempt to draw a party
but, without in any way minimizing their im- platform. Nor would it be appropriate for me
portance, they seem to me to be secondary to to try to do so. For those, however, who like
the main issue; and that is: ° to think in terms of such documents, I might
What sort of federal government do we want? suggest that the Republican party could do far
Speaking for myself, I should like us to have worse than to adopt the Democratic platform
a government that will not confuse its functions f` of 1932—so stoutly affirmed and so gaily dis-
with those of the Deity. I regarded by Mr. Roosevelt—adding merely a
I should like us to have a government of laws, caption of its own, reading:
and not of arbitrary authority. “On1y we mean it!” ‘
I should like us to have a government whose
sole function in the field of economics is to ro- . .
vide an environment in which the greatest iles- I REQLIZE {if course that this. 18 heresy frm? ‘
. sible number of goods may be produced at the the P°"“ °f mw °f party p°lm°S’ but there *5
10 11

 mere than a mere jeet ia the suggestiem Se tar that the President of the United States is the ‘
as the issues mentioned in the platform were servant of the people, and not their ruler_
eeaeetaeth l helieve that aa evetwhehaihg Trims: I should like to see the Republican
majority of the American people still want what party eommit itself to these two things;
they wanted in l932···Stlll Want what M1'- R00Se· The recognition that, within the framework
veit Premised them"and tailed ta deliver- of our Constitution, there is much need for re-
But there ia this aii'imPertant dittereneei form and modernization of many of our laws,
In 1932 the majority of the American people but
wanted something more than could be expressed i That reform should ncvcr bc the Product cf
ia any Piattermi they Wanted te he led hy the hasty and ill-considered legislation driven
hand out of the wilderness; they wanted medi- through a ruhheiestamp Congress by an im.
eine and miracles- · patient executive; rather that it should come
Well, they have had hath- And I denit think about as the result of careful study by com-
they Want them any mere- petent non-partisan authorities, both as to the
I think the Ameriean peeple have lust aheut ultimate objective and as to the method of at-
hesati te realize that, if they are hetter ali than taining this objective without creating undue
they were in 1932, it is more in spite of than disturbance. I
t because of the miracles and medicines, and that A typical example of a ease where these prin.
ia taet they Weuid he turther aieng the read te ciples would apply is in the matter of currency
reeeverv than they are new it the gevernment and credit. We have at present neither a cur-
had net heen quite ee mueh ai a little Miss rency nor a banking system worthy of the name.
FiXit· I cannot even list here the multitude of prob-
I saY this aitheugh I knew that the President i lems—unsolved, all of them——which form a part
told us only recently in his speech at Charleston of this pieture_ It is easy euough to eomlemu
that we were not having a natural cyclical recov- the Roosevelt monetary huugliug; that mueh I
erY» hut that sueh reeeverv ae We have had hae have done myself; but no man today is capable
tame aheat "heea¤ee We plaaaed it that way‘·" of sitting down eud formulating the complete
If 12116 SIIPICIIIC C0`l11`lZ dCCl.Sl0I1 OI] tl1C N.R.A. t currcncy and banking rcforrn   this coun.
Was Part of the New Deal plan, then ae, I suP· try must have, if we are to get over having our
Pese» Was the dreught ia 1934- recurrent children’s diseases in this field. The
facts are there, and the men are available who
could competently study them. This is a task,
BUT, to come back to our story, I should like uct cf Weeks aud mcuthe, hut ef yeare_
to see the Republican party first of all declare FOURTH: l ehculrl like tc eee the Rehuhlicau
tte nenet ia the kind et government wnten I a party say something more than that it believes
deaetihed tt tnement age' t in sound fiscal policies and a reduced cost of
And, since the first element in that definition geverumeuh
Wee un gevetntnent Wnten wtn net eentnee tts · I should like to see it take a definite pledge
functions with those of the Deity,” I should next that it will iu he year cpeml cue cent ci mcuey
like to see the Republican party produce a uct raised in that year hy taxation.
candidate whose primary attributes would be: I ehcultl like to eee it commit itself tc the
integrity, courage, reasonable intelligence, stead- gradual ertlerly retirement cl- the huge eut_
taetaeee at Patpeae aaa Pti¤<=ir·le» Same ltaewl- standing government debt, and to the principle
, edge and eavetieaee at Pteettetn ttttette ttntt""' that hereafter there shall be no government bor-
mest imPertant et an"‘an ahidias eeatietiea rowing except on short term in anticipation of
12 13

 revenues——unless for purposes of national de- an our prebiemg Thrdugh using what Mr_
rense against armed aggressien· Roosevelt calls "the organized power of the
This suggestion may be drastic; but it would riariOri¤¤___meariirig the arbitrary Power of the
ge rar rewards taking Pnnne sPending ent er Executive and his hureaucracy—we are told
Penries enee and rer ¤II· that we shall reach “the more abundant life.”
F¤FTH= I ¤h<>¤Id Iik¢ to we the II¤P¤bIi<=¤¤ 1, iui ous, think we shall reach it through out
party pledge itself to remove as fast as possible Own cgorts er net at e]]_
as much as possible of the gigantic alphabetical And our Own eiiferte must bc direeted net
Partisan PnreaneraeY wnien nas been built nP " only to the performance of our individual tasks,
in Wasningreni andv as re rnese agencies wnien but to the intelligent and vigilant exercise of
I it retains, I ¤I¤¤¤I